00:00
Hey there, night owls. Huge thanks to Victor Lamoureux for suggesting tonight's topic.
00:05
40,000 years ago, somebody drilled holes into a bone and blew into it. In 2008, music died. Tonight we cover everything in between. You get three things. The full timeline, the official ranking of the five greatest pieces ever written, and the name of the person who killed music. My credentials. Doctor of Musicology. Six weeks of experience. Diploma bought online. I am skipping 99% of all composers, so if your favourite is missing, that is not an error, that is editing.
00:36
Watch the two counters in the corner. One counts composers who died broke. The other counts every time music got banned. Both go up, neither comes down.
00:46
We begin with that bone, back when people had no word for music but already had bad music. Hit like and tell me in the comments what city you're watching from and what time it is right now. Let's roll. The bone in question is about 22cm long, roughly the width of your thumb, and it came out of the ground in a cave in southwestern Germany called Hohlefels in the summer of 2008.
01:08
It arrived in 12 pieces, which is what happens when something sits under a cave floor for 40,000 years while mammoths, glaciers and the entire concept of Europe come and go above it.
01:19
The team, led by archaeologist Nicholas Conard from the University of Tübingen, reassembled the fragments and found themselves holding the oldest undisputed musical instrument on the planet. Five finger holes, two neat V-shaped notches carved at one end so a player could set their lips against it and blow. Somebody made this on purpose, and they knew exactly what they were doing. the material is worth pausing on because it tells you something about the mindset involved. The flute was carved from the radius bone of a griffon vulture, which is a bird with a wingspan pushing three metres and a strong personal preference for not being turned into woodwind instruments.
01:57
Vulture wing bones happen to be long, straight, thin-walled and naturally hollow, which makes them close to ideal for the job. So somewhere in the Ice Age a person looked at one of the largest flying birds in Europe and thought, that is a lovely animal, and also I could get about four notes out of its arm. This is the beginning of every instrument maker who has ever lived, seeing a musical instrument hiding inside something that was previously just an object. and that person was not improvising with the stick they found. The flute shows scraping to thin the walls, deliberate reduction of the bone surface, precisely cut holes, and finishing work along the edges.
02:35
Making one takes hours of concentrated effort with stone tools, and it takes knowing in advance that the effort will be worth it, which means flutes already existed before this flute existed.
02:47
Nobody carves a delicate five-hole instrument on their first attempt at the concept of blowing into things. This is not the birth of music. This is music that has already got a manufacturing tradition, a quality standard and presumably at least one very confident local expert telling everyone else they are doing it wrong. The neighbouring caves make the point even harder to argue with.
03:09
In the same limestone valleys of the Swabian Jura, at a site called Geissenkluesterle, archaeologists pulled up flute fragments made from swan-winged bone and, more impressively, from mammoth ivory.
03:21
Radiocarbon work published in 2012 pushed those layers back to something in the range of 42,000 to 43,000 years old.
03:28
The ivory ones are the show-off items because ivory is not hollow. To make an ivory flute you have to split a section of tusk lengthwise, hollow out both halves, carve matching bores, cut the finger holes, then glue and bind the two halves back together with an airtight seal, using Ice Age Adhesive technology. That is not a craft project. That is a workshop with procedures. Two important things came out of that same corner of Germany, in the same seasons, from the same layers of the same caves. One was the flutes.
04:00
The other was a small carved figure of a woman in mammoth ivory, the Venus of Hohlerfels, along with a whole crowd of tiny animal figurines from nearby Vogelherd, including a mammoth the size of a paperclip that is genuinely annoyingly good.
04:14
Sculpture and music show up in the archaeological record holding hands, the same people, the same generation, the same handful of valleys. Whatever switch got flipped in the human head, it did not flip separately for each art form. It flipped once, and out came everything at the same time, which is either deeply moving or extremely inconvenient for anyone who likes tidy timelines.
04:35
Now, before anyone writes to me in a rage, we have to talk about the other candidate. Because if you look up the oldest instrument in the world, a lot of sources will give you a different answer, from a cave in Slovenia called Divja Babe, and that object is either the greatest musical artefact ever recovered, or a bone that a large carnivore chewed on. The scholarly community has been arguing about which one it is for about 30 years, and the argument shows no signs of stopping, which honestly makes it my favourite academic dispute in history. Here is the item.
05:07
In 1995, a team led by archaeologist Ivan Turk excavated a section of the thigh bone of a young cave bear from a layer associated with Neanderthals, dated to somewhere in the region of 50,000 to 60,000 years ago. The fragment has two complete round holes in a line, plus damage suggesting one or two more at the broken ends. If a human made those holes, this is a Neanderthal flute and it is at minimum 10,000 years older than everything in Germany and it means our extinct cousins were sitting in caves playing tunes while modern humans were still working out how to get to Europe.
05:40
If, on the other hand, those holes were made by teeth, then it is a snack. The sceptical case is not unreasonable. Cave bear bones turn up in these caves by the thousand and cave hyenas and other carnivores were extremely enthusiastic about crunching them. When a big carnivore bites down on a young bear femur, the canine teeth can punch clean, round, surprisingly tidy holes right through the thinnest part of the shaft, and they can do it in pairs because that is unfortunately how teeth are arranged. Researchers including Francesco Diarrico have argued that the spacing, the shape and the associated damage all line up with carnivore puncture marks and comparative work with modern hyena-tued bones has produced holes that look uncomfortably similar to the famous ones.
06:23
The defenders push back with equal energy. They argue the holes are too circular and too aligned, that the edges show working rather than crushing, that the bone lacks the surrounding tooth scoring you would expect from a serious chewing session, and that reconstructions of the complete instrument can be played and do produce a usable range of notes.
06:42
There have been microscopic studies, computer tomography scans, statistical comparisons, replica experiments, and one memorable stretch in which serious adults spent serious research funding investigating exactly how a hyena eats.
06:57
Both camps have published extensively. Neither camp has moved. So the current honest position, which I am adopting because it makes me sound responsible, is this. The Holfels flute is the oldest instrument nobody disputes, the Divja Bay bone is the oldest instrument that might exist, depending on your tolerance for hyenas, and the whole thing is a beautiful demonstration of the fact that the deep past does not come with labels, only with objects and arguments.
07:23
But here is the part that reframes everything, and it is the reason none of these dates can possibly be the beginning of music. Instruments made from bone survive because bone is durable, calcified, mineral-rich and stubborn.
07:37
Almost nothing else in a prehistoric musician's toolkit is like that. A drum is a stretched skin over a wooden frame, and both of those things rot within a few years in most conditions. A reed pipe is a plant stem, and plant stems become soil. A flute of hollow wood, a rattle of dried gourd, a scraper of soft branch, a bow strung with sinew, a set of tubes bound with plant fibre. None of it lasts. The record we have is not a record of what people played. It is a record of what refused to decompose, which is a very different list.
08:10
That means the Vulture Bone Flute is not a first draft. It is the one page of the manuscript that happened to be printed on stone. Somewhere behind it stands an enormous invisible archive of wooden and reed instruments that vanished completely. And behind that stands the thing that came before instruments entirely, which needs no materials at all.
08:30
because the first instrument was the body and the body does not fossilise as a musician. Rhythm almost certainly came before melody and it came before manufacturing because clapping requires no supply chain. You need hands and the discovery is available to any human being at any moment in history. Stamping needs feet and a firm surface. Slapping the chest, the thighs, the belly, striking two stones together, knocking a stick on a hollow log, shaking a handful of dried seed pods in a pouch, all of this is free, instantly repeatable, and requires no forward planning whatsoever.
09:05
The oldest music technology on earth is a person who is standing up and is not currently busy. Then there is the voice, which is the instrument that has been installed in every human being since long before anyone thought about carving vultures. Humming, chanting, wailing, calling across a valley, rocking a baby with a repeated falling pattern, a hunting call, a warning, a shout that landed on a nice note by accident and got repeated on purpose.
09:33
There is no way to date the first sung note because breath leaves no residue. What we can say is that every human society ever documented sings, without exception, and that the anatomy required to control pitch and breath was in place a very long time before that flute. None of this leaves an archaeological trace which is genuinely inconvenient. There is no excavation layer labelled here as where they started clapping. We infer it from three directions. Every living human culture uses body percussion and voice. Both require zero technology.
10:04
And when instruments do finally appear in the record, they appear as sophisticated finished products rather than clumsy prototypes, which means the musical impulse had already been running for ages using equipment that biodegrades. Which brings us to the founding legend of the entire profession, and I want to be clear that the following is not archaeology. It is me doing a reconstruction with confidence and no evidence, exactly as promised in the opening. Picture the first musician. He discovers that two palms struck together produce a sharp, satisfying crack that carries across the camp.
10:36
He is delighted. He does it again. He does it repeatedly. He develops what we would now call a set, consisting of three works. We only have two jobs, my woman resembles a mammoth and the chief owns 99% of the fire. The third one is the political material and it is a mistake. His career ends abruptly at 27, which is how the world got both the genre and the club that goes with it. and it establishes the founding economic principle of the industry, which is that the person making the music is the person with the least security in the room, that is our counter-opening at one, and I want to stress that it never resets.
11:12
40,000 years of history from here, and the number only travels in one direction, Now the serious part, because underneath all of this there is a real question that deserves 20 proper seconds. Music is expensive. It costs time, energy, attention, materials and calories in a world where every one of those things was in short supply and the penalty for wasting them was severe. A group sitting around clapping as a group not gathering food, not maintaining tools, not watching the tree line. Evolution is not sentimental about hobbies.
11:45
So why did this behavior not simply get filtered out of us and instead end up universal in every population on Earth?
11:52
The most convincing answer is that music was not a hobby. It was infrastructure. It was the technology that made large groups of humans work as a single unit. And it was better at that job than talking. Consider what happens physically when people move in synchrony. When a group claps, stamps, sings or dances together on a shared pulse, individuals begin tracking a common timing signal which requires each person to continuously predict and adjust to everyone else. Laboratory work by psychologists including Scott Wiltermuth and Chip Heath has shown that people who have simply walked or sung in step with each other subsequently cooperate more in group tasks and are more willing to sacrifice personal gain for collective benefit, even among strangers, even when the synchrony was mildly boring and clearly artificial.
12:39
The effect does not depend on liking the music. It depends on the timing. There is a chemical layer to it as well.
12:46
Research associated with the anthropologist Robin Dunbar has connected coordinated group activity, particularly singing and dancing, with elevated pain thresholds, which is the standard indirect indicator of endorphin release. Grooming does something similar in other primates, but grooming is strictly one-to-one and takes enormous amounts of time, which places a hard ceiling on how many relationships an individual can maintain. Singing Scales 30 people can bond simultaneously in the time it takes one chimpanzee to pick through a friend's fur and nobody has to touch anybody.
13:19
Music in this reading is social grooming for a species that got too numerous for its own hands. Then there is information storage, which matters enormously in a world with no writing. Rhythm and melody are memory technology. Words set to a tune with a strong pulse and a repeating structure are dramatically easier to retain and to transmit accurately across generations than the same words spoken flat.
13:43
Everything a group needs to survive can be carried this way, where the water sits in a bad year, which plant helps and which plant harms, which route the herds take, who your relatives are, what happened the last time somebody ignored the elders, the song is the hard drive and the tune is the error correction. Add to this the one piece of musical behaviour that appears in every documented society without a single confirmed exception, which is that adults sing to infants.
14:11
A large cross-cultural study led by researchers at the Harvard Music Lab, including Samuel Mayer and Manvir Singh, played recordings of songs from dozens of societies to listeners worldwide and found that people could reliably identify a lullaby as a lullaby and a dance song as a dance song, across enormous cultural distance, without understanding a single word. Certain functions of music appear to be legible to human beings anywhere on Earth. which is a strong hint that we are dealing with something older and deeper than local tradition. So music survives because a group that sings together coordinates better, remembers more, calms its children faster, and holds together under pressure.
14:49
Two neighbouring groups, equally strong, equally fed, and one of them has a song for hauling the heavy thing, and a song for the long walk and a song for the funeral. That group wins, slowly, over thousands of years. The result is us, a species that gets emotional at organised air pressure and considers this completely normal.
15:09
Now, back to the flute, because there is a detail in the holes that quietly changes everything. The finger holes on these ancient instruments are not distributed randomly along the bone, they are spaced. Spacing is the entire question because the distance between holes determines the length of the vibrating air column and that determines pitch and the relationships between those pitches are what we call intervals. When researchers built playable replicas of the Hohlfells instrument, notably the work of experimental archaeologists such as Wolf Hein, the reconstructions produced a usable range of over an octave and a set of intervals that a modern listener recognises as musical rather than arbitrary, not identical to any modern scale, and we should not oversell that, but structured, ordered, chosen.
15:56
which means the maker was not simply drilling holes until the bone ran out. The maker was aiming for particular sounds, adjusting to reach them and rejecting the ones that were wrong. And the moment you have a concept of the wrong note, you have the whole of music theory in embryo, 40,000 years before anybody wrote a word of it down. Somebody in that cave heard a pitch and thought, no, higher. That is the beginning of everything. It also means the notion of playing out of tune predates agriculture, cities, metal, writing and the wheel.
16:27
Human beings have been wincing at bad intonation since the Ice Age. Whatever else changes in this story, that particular facial expression has been in continuous use for 400 centuries.
16:39
There is a related idea that deserves a mention here, which is octave equivalence, the perception that a note and the same note twice the frequency are somehow the same note. This is not a European invention. It shows up in a very wide range of unrelated musical systems, and it appears to be grounded in how the ear and brain handle harmonic structure rather than in cultural training.
17:01
which suggests that some of the raw material of music is not being invented by cultures at all. It is being discovered by them, the way each culture separately discovers that fire is hot.
17:12
Let me lay out where these things have actually been found, because the geography is more interesting than a single German cave suggests. Germany gives us the oldest confirmed cluster in that small group of limestone caves in the Swabian Jura, which is now on the World Heritage list on the strength of the sculptures and flutes alone.
17:30
France gives us volume. The Cave of Istorets in the Pyrenees has yielded more than twenty flute or pipe fragments across a huge stretch of prehistory, most of them made from vulture wing bones, which makes it less a find and more a catalogue. French sites have also produced quantities of small, perforated reindeer toe bones, which, when blown across, make a piercing whistle, and while some are certainly the work of carnivore teeth again, others show unmistakable human drilling.
17:59
if you have ever wanted to know what an Ice Age referee sounded like, that. France also gave us one of my favourite objects in the entire story and it sat unrecognised in a museum for 90 years. A large conch shell was excavated from the cave of Massoula in the early 1930s and was catalogued as a ceremonial drinking cup, presumably because it was large, hollow and nobody looked very hard.
18:23
In 2021, a team took another look and found that the tip had been deliberately removed to make a mouth hole, the outer lip had been trimmed, a tube had been fitted at the opening with traces of adhesive and the interior carried red ochre marks matching the decoration style on the cave walls a few metres away. They then invited a horn player to try it, which took some nerve given the object is roughly 18,000 years old and it produced three clear notes. A shell carried inland from an ocean well over 100 kilometres away, modified into a horn, decorated to match the paintings and then filed for most of a century under drinkware.
18:59
Ukraine offers something stranger. At a site called Mezin, excavators found a set of large mammoth bones, painted with ochre in zigzag patterns, along with hammers made of antler and what appears to be a rattle. The excavator interpreted the assemblage as a percussion set, essentially an Ice Age drum kit built from the largest animal available. Not everyone accepts the reading, and the debate has the same flavour as the Slovenian one, but the bones do carry impact wear in the places you would expect if somebody had been hitting them regularly and rhythmically, which is either music or an unusually structured grudge.
19:33
Then there is China, and this is where prehistoric music stops being fragments and starts being repertoire.
19:41
At a Neolithic settlement called Jiahu in Henan province, excavations in the 1980s recovered more than 30 flutes made from the wing bones of the red-crowned crane, dating from roughly 9,000 to 7,500 years ago. These are not fragments. Several are complete. They have five, six, seven and eight finger holes, and the number of holes increases in the later layers, which means we can watch the instrument being upgraded across centuries by people improving on their grandparents' work.
20:08
The best-preserved seven-hole example was carefully tested and reported in the journal Nature in 1999 by a team including the archaeologist Zhang Zhuzhong, and the finding was that it still plays. Not theoretically plays. Plays. Eight thousand years in the ground and the thing produces a clean, stable scale, close enough to a modern one that a musician can pick out a recognisable tune on it, which was duly done. It is comfortably the oldest playable instrument on earth, and it makes every guitar in every attic in the world look structurally unserious.
20:41
One more detail from Jiahu, and it is the detail that makes these people feel like colleagues rather than specimens. One of the flutes had cracked in antiquity. Rather than discard it, the owner drilled 14 tiny holes along both sides of the fracture and laced it back together with fine cord, the way you would stitch a wound, in order to keep it airtight and playable. Somebody loved a specific instrument enough to repair it by hand with stone tools rather than simply making another one from the enormous supply of available cranes.
21:11
That is the oldest instrument repair we know about, and the sentiment behind it has not changed in 8,000 years. Every musician reading this owns something objectively replaceable that they would fight a stranger over. A quick word on how anybody knows these dates, since the numbers get thrown around casually and they are doing an enormous amount of work in this story. Nobody dates the flute itself because carbon dating consumes a portion of the object, and museums are strangely protective about that. Instead, the dating is done on organic material from the exact layer the object sat in usually charcoal from old hearths or bone from animals people ate combined with careful reading of the stratigraphy which is the sequence of deposits stacked up over time like a very slow, very unhelpful filing system.
21:56
This is also why the numbers keep moving. Improved sample cleaning methods in the early 2010s stripped out contamination that had been making some ice age dates look younger than they were and several German sites promptly got older by a couple of thousand years. When a documentary from 2004 and one from 2019 quote different ages for the same object, nobody is lying. The chemistry improved. There is one further debate lurking under all of this and it is the biggest question in the field, which is whether music came before language or after it.
22:28
Charles Darwin took a position on this in 1871, arguing that our ancestors probably communicated with something closer to melodic calls before words existed, essentially singing to each other about attraction and threat, and that speech was carved later out of that musical raw material.
22:45
The competing view treats music as a by-product, a pleasurable accident that piggybacks on brain systems built for language, hearing and emotion, most memorably summarised by the psychologist Steven Pinker with the observation that music is cheesecake for the auditory system, delicious, engineered to hit our existing pleasure buttons and not itself nutritionally necessary.
23:07
Both positions have serious defenders and neither has one, which is fairly typical for a discipline studying an event that left no trace and happened before anybody could write a complaint about it.
23:18
What has shifted is the middle ground. A lot of researchers now suspect the two things did not separate cleanly at all, and that early human vocal communication was a single continuous stream in which pitch, rhythm and meaning were tangled together, only later pulling apart into the specialised versions we call speech and song. The evidence people point to is the way adults talk to babies everywhere on earth, in exaggerated melodic swoops with an obvious rhythm and very little useful information, and the fact that infants respond to that pattern long before they understand a single word.
23:51
The oldest form of human communication may well be a parent going up and down in pitch at a small person who has no idea what any of it means. which is a description that will feel familiar to anyone who has attended a modern concert. We also have a scrap of physical evidence that the equipment was in place early. In 1983, excavation at Kabara Cave in Israel recovered a Neanderthal hyoid bone, the small horseshoe-shaped bone that anchors the muscles of the tongue and throat, and it turned out to be essentially indistinguishable from ours.
24:21
Later studies of Neanderthal ear anatomy suggested their hearing was tuned to much the same frequency range that human speech occupies.
24:29
None of this proves anybody was singing, but it does mean the anatomical apparatus for controlled vocal sound was not a late human exclusive. which puts that disputed Slovenian bare bone in slightly better company than it usually gets. There is one more category of prehistoric instrument, and it is the one nobody had to make because it was already installed. Caves themselves are acoustic devices. Stone chambers with narrow throats and irregular surfaces do dramatic things to sound. producing long reverberation, sudden resonant boosts at particular pitches and echoes that return your own voice from the rock as though something in the dark is answering.
25:06
Anyone who has ever sung in a stairwell knows the effect. Now remove electric light, add a tallow lamp and consider that the returning voice might reasonably be interpreted as a voice. Researchers have taken this seriously. Igor Resnikov and Michel Devoir surveyed decorated caves in France by walking through them and singing at intervals, mapping where the resonance was strongest, and reported that painted panels cluster disproportionately in the most acoustically active spots, while some of the least accessible resonant nooks carry simple red marks rather than full images, as though marking the location itself.
25:41
Later work by others, including Stephen Waller, has explored connections between echo behaviour and the imagery chosen.
25:49
None of this is proven, and it is very easy to find patterns you are looking for in a dark cave with a flashlight and a theory.
25:56
But the correlation has held up across multiple sites and multiple teams, and at minimum it suggests that people were choosing where to make things, partly on the basis of how those places sounded. which would make the decorated cave the oldest venue on record and would make whoever picked the spot the first sound engineer working entirely without a mixing desk and quite possibly complaining that the low end was muddy. Stone itself gets played too.
26:20
In caves in Spain and France there are stalactites and stone columns bearing percussion damage on exactly the spots that ring most cleanly when struck. and some of them are marked with ochre, which is a fairly strong hint that they were selected rather than randomly bashed. Similar behaviour shows up worldwide in the form of rock gongs, boulders that produce a bell-like tone when hit, found in Africa, in Asia, in Europe, often polished smooth in one or two places by centuries of use, no manufacture required. You do not build this instrument, you find it, and then you tell everybody it is yours.
26:54
And then there is the bull-roarer, which I have to mention because it is the loudest thing anybody had for tens of thousands of years. It is a flat slat of bone, ivory or wood with a hole at one end and a cord threaded through it. Swing it above your head and it spins on its own axis while orbiting your body. producing a deep pulsing roar that carries for kilometres across open ground. An ivory example roughly 17,000 years old came out of that same Ukrainian site, and the design turns up independently in Australia, Africa, the Americas and Europe, which is not surprising given that it is a stick on a string, but is remarkable given how consistently people treated it.
27:33
In many societies it was restricted, sacred and shown only to certain members of the community, which is a lot of ceremony for a piece of bone that you throw around, and also the first evidence that some sounds were considered too powerful for general circulation. That last point matters more than it looks, because it means the earliest musical objects were not toys. They were embedded in ritual, in initiation, in the marking of birth and death and season. Music was not entertainment sitting on top of life. It was inside the machinery of how a community understood itself.
28:04
I will add the standard warning here, though, because this field attracts more confident nonsense than almost any other. We cannot hear the past. We have the hardware and none of the software. Not one melody survives from any of this. We know the range of the whole Fells flute. We know the scale a Jiahu flute can produce. We know a conch gives three notes. And we know precisely nothing about what anybody actually played on them, what it was for, what it meant, or whether it was any good.
28:29
Between the first flute and the first written-down tune, there is a gap of roughly 38,000 years of total silence, which is the largest missing recording in the history of the species and makes every lost album ever mourned online look like a rounding error.
28:44
And of course, the moment there was music, there was criticism, because the two arrive as a matched set. This is not a joke about modern audiences, it is a structural observation. The instant a person makes an organised sound, everyone within earshot is now receiving that sound whether they applied for it or not, and some of those people are trying to sleep. Somewhere in the Ice Age a man carved a beautiful vulture bone flute, worked out his intervals, waited for the good acoustics after dark and played it for the first time. and somewhere about eight metres away in the same cave, another man rolled over on a pile of hides and became the first music critic in history, with a review consisting of one word and a throne boot, or the Paleolithic equivalent, which was probably an actual bone.
29:27
Every single argument about noise, taste and volume for the next 40 millennia is a footnote to that moment. Here is the thing about all of this that finally closes the chapter, and it is the reason none of these brilliant, meticulous, obviously talented people appear in the story as individuals with names. Before cities, instruments were consumables, not treasures. Not heirlooms, consumables. Start with mobility. Hunter-gatherer groups move with the seasons following herds, water and ripening plants and everything you own has to be carried by a person, usually a person already carrying a child, a spear, a hide and several days of food.
30:07
The permitted weight of luxury items in that system is close to zero. You do not haul a large resonant instrument across a landscape for six weeks in order to have it available at the other end. So instruments stay small, or they stay behind, or they get made on the spot from whatever the site provides and abandoned when the group leaves. A flute is a thing you can make again. The knowledge is portable, the object is not. Then consider materials. Everything used to make these instruments was also food, tool stock or shelter. The bone was dinner first, the sinew was a bowstring, the hide was a coat.
30:42
Musical use was one option among several for a limited stock of raw material, which means most objects lived several lives and the musical one was rarely the priority. And then the decisive point, which is economic. Nobody could be a musician full-time because there was nothing to pay them with.
30:58
A foraging community produces roughly what it consumes, with only small and unreliable surpluses that cannot be stored for long. There is no granary, no warehouse, no treasury, no way to accumulate value and hand a portion of it to a person in exchange for them doing nothing all day except practising.
31:15
In that world, every adult who is physically able has to contribute directly to food, tools, childcare or defence, which means the flute player is also the hunter, the toolmaker, the mother and the elder. Music is what you do with the day's remaining hours, not what you do instead of the day. The consequence is that for the overwhelming majority of human history there is no such thing as an audience. There is participation. Everybody plays, sings, claps or moves at whatever level they manage and nobody is standing at the front being watched by rows of seated people who paid to be there and are now wondering about the parking.
31:51
Anthropologists working in societies that maintained older ways of living have noted this repeatedly. Many languages have no separate word for music at all, because the thing we are discussing is not a separate thing. It is bound into dancing, ritual, storytelling, healing and work, and pulling music out of that bundle to talk about it on its own is a modern habit that would have made no sense to anybody involved. Which also means the very idea of talent as a dividing line. The notion that some people are musicians and other people are listeners is not a fact about humans.
32:22
It is a side effect of a later economy. In a participation culture, saying you cannot sing is roughly as coherent as saying you cannot walk to the river. You sing because everyone is singing. Nobody has told you yet that you are bad at it, because nobody is standing outside the group with a clipboard. So the great flute makers of the Swalby and Jura are anonymous, and they will stay anonymous, not because their work was unimpressive, but because there was no institution that recorded names, no employer, no patron, no contract and no market. Their entire professional legacy is twelve fragments of a bird bone and the fact that we know, with certainty, that somebody once cared enough to get the spacing right.
33:02
Our poverty counter then sits at one and it has done so since our imaginary founder of the profession discovered the political song. It stays there for the whole of the Ice Age, not because everyone was thriving but because in a world with no wages nobody can technically die broke. You need money to exist before poverty can become a career hazard. The counter is waiting for an invention. That invention is coming, and it is not an instrument.
33:27
Around 10,000 years ago, in a handful of river valleys, people stopped chasing food and start growing it. Grain changes the terms of human existence. Not because it tastes good, which it does not particularly, but because it is storable. Grain sits in a container and stays grain. It can be counted, measured, moved, saved and owed. For the first time, a community can produce more than it eats this year and hold the difference. And once you can hold the difference, you can hand some of it to a person who is not producing food at all. in exchange for them producing something else.
34:00
That is the invention of the paycheck, and it changes music more profoundly than any instrument ever built. Because the moment somebody can be paid in Bali to play the lyre, several things arrive at once that had never existed before. The full-time musician, the person who is paying and therefore giving instructions, the requirement to deliver on a schedule, and the very real possibility of being replaced. Music acquires a client, it also acquires an office, and the first place this happens is a hot, flat stretch of land between two rivers where the same people who invented the receipt also worked out how to write down a tune on a piece of clay that has been sitting quietly in a museum drawer waiting to ruin your assumptions about who invented music theory.
34:43
The clay tablet is about the size of a postcard, broken at the edges, the colour of a flowerpot, and it was dug out of a ruined city on the coast of Syria called Ugarit.
34:53
It dates to roughly 1400 years before the Common Era, and it is catalogued with the deeply unromantic name of Hurrian Hymn No. 6. On one side there are lines of text in the Hurrian language, a devotional song addressed to Nikol, a goddess associated with orchards and the wife of the moon god, Underneath the words, separated by a ruled line, there is a second section that is not text at all. It is a sequence of technical terms paired with numbers, and those terms are the names of intervals on the strings of a lyre.
35:24
That second section is the oldest written music on earth. Not the oldest description of music, not the oldest picture of somebody playing, not a poem that mentions singing.
35:34
actual encoded instructions for producing a specific melody, sitting in the ground for three and a half thousand years, waiting for somebody to work out that the numbers were not accounting. Take a moment with the timeline on that, because it is genuinely absurd. Humanity spent tens of thousands of years unable to preserve a single tune, as established, and then within a few centuries of learning to write anything at all, somebody sat down and wrote down a song.
36:00
Music notation is older than most legal codes. It is older than the alphabet. In large parts of the world, people would go on to spend another 2,000 years without any way to record a contract, a debt or a law. While a scribe in a Bronze Age port town had already solved the harder problem of putting a melody on a shelf, priorities were established early and they were not what you would expect. To get to how this happened, we have to go back a bit east and a bit earlier, to the flat country between the Tigris and the Euphrates, where the entire apparatus of civilization got assembled in a rush over a few centuries.
36:33
Cities, irrigation, bureaucracy, taxation, standardized measurement, the receipt, the contract, beer at industrial scale, and writing, which was invented not to record poetry, but to keep track of who owed how much grain to which temple. SUMA runs on accounting. And once you have accounting, you have surplus. And once you have surplus, you can afford specialists. The first instrument in this new world that genuinely demands a specialist is the stringed one. A flute can be picked up by anyone with breath and patience.
37:05
A liar cannot. A lyre has to be constructed by a skilled woodworker, strung with gut of consistent thickness, tuned before every performance to a system somebody has to know, retuned constantly because gut strings drift with humidity and temperature and played with two hands doing different jobs at once. You do not learn it in an afternoon. You learn it from a person who already knows, over years, which means there must be teachers, which means there must be a way to keep those teachers alive while they teach. We know exactly what these instruments looked like, and the reason we know is one of the great archaeological finds of the 20th century.
37:42
Between 1922 and 1934, an expedition led by Leonard Woolley excavated the Royal Cemetery at Ur in what is now southern Iraq and pulled out of it a set of lyres dating to about 2,600 years before the Common Era.
37:57
The wood had rotted away entirely, leaving only voids in the soil, so Woolly poured plaster into the cavities to recover the shapes, which is the sort of technique that sounds obvious afterwards and occurs to almost nobody at the time. What emerged were large lyres decorated with astonishing craftsmanship, including one with a bullhead of gold leaf and lapis lazuli beard mounted at the front of the sound box, and panels of shell inlay showing animals conducting a banquet. because Bronze Age Mesopotamians apparently also enjoyed art in which the animals behave like people.
38:29
These were buried in the tombs of the elite, alongside the members of the royal household who accompanied them, in funerary rites that are grim by any modern reading and that the excavators recorded in careful detail.
38:41
Among those attendants were people identified by their positions as musicians, still resting near their instruments. What that tells us, beyond the human tragedy of it, is that a court musician at Jure was considered part of the royal establishment in the fullest institutional sense, permanently attached to the household.
38:59
It is difficult to imagine a stronger statement that these were not casual entertainers. The instruments themselves also make an excellent, if slightly ridiculous, point about early intellectual property. The great liars of Ur are enormous, roughly the height of a seated adult, weighed down with gold and inlay, and completely impossible to run away with. You cannot casually steal a lyre, you cannot conceal it under a cloak, you cannot carry it up a ladder, and you cannot sell it discreetly at the market, because everyone within four cities knows whose bullhead that is.
39:31
The music of the palace was protected by the simplest security system ever devised, which is furniture. Two people and a plan could relocate one and they would still be extremely visible for the entire duration of the crime. Now to the fact that reorganises this whole period and it is not about art at all, it is about payroll. The temples of Sumer were not only religious institutions. They were the largest economic organizations in existence, holding land, storing grain, managing herds, employing weavers, brewers, bakers, scribes, gardeners and officials, and distributing standardized rations to all of them.
40:08
The clay records of these distributions survive in extraordinary quantity because bureaucracy fired in clay is close to immortal and among the personnel receiving allocations of barley, beer and oil we find musicians.
40:22
That is the first music industry in the world.
40:25
Not a tip, not a gift, not a chief giving somebody an extra portion of dinner because they played nicely.
40:31
a fixed rate of pay, issued on a schedule, to a person holding a defined position, whose job title existed in the administrative vocabulary of the state. Sumerian has a word for musician, now, and it appears in staff lists the same way that potters and brewers do. There is a rank of chief musician. There are references to training. There are records of instruments belonging to institutions rather than individuals. There is also a distinct and fascinating class of temple performer, the Gala, later known in Akkadian as the Kalu, who specialised in sung laments.
41:05
These were ritual specialists whose job was to perform sorrowful songs to calm the anger of the gods, and their texts were written in a particular dialect of Sumerian reserved largely for this purpose. which means that within the first documented music profession there is already specialisation. The celebratory people and the morning people, working different events, using different repertoire, presumably not enjoying each other's company at the annual festival. The scale of it is easy to underestimate. There were instrument makers, string suppliers, tuners, singers, players and administrators who allocated all of them.
41:40
There were lists of instruments in temple inventories. There was a whole liturgy that could not be performed without music, which meant the state had a permanent operational dependence on people who could play, exactly as it had a permanent dependence on people who could bake. We even have the ancient equivalent of a transfer market, in the diplomatic correspondence of the palace at Mary on the Euphrates.
42:02
Letters between rulers discuss musicians the way modern correspondence discusses staff and assets, who has trained which performers, which ones are being sent where, which ones have been requested, which ones arrived in poor condition after the journey. Skilled musicians move between courts as part of diplomacy, arriving with dowries, tribute and treatise.
42:23
Being extremely good at the lyre in the 18th century before the Common Era could get you relocated to another kingdom without a great deal of consultation, which is either the first international career in music or the first hostile acquisition, depending on your mood, and royalty wanted credit for musical ability too, which is the earliest form of a very familiar behaviour.
42:44
King Shulgi of Ur, who ruled around 2100 years before the Common Era, left behind praise hymns in which he lists his personal accomplishments, and alongside the expected material about wisdom, justice and athletic prowess, he claims detailed mastery of a whole cabinet of instruments, along with knowledge of tuning procedure and musical theory.
43:05
A king put his musicianship in his official biography in writing for eternity.
43:10
Whether he could actually play any of them is a question the surviving evidence politely declines to address.
43:16
While we are naming names, there is one that deserves proper attention because she is not only the first-named musician in history but arguably the first-named author of any kind.
43:27
Enhiduana lived around 2300 years before the Common Era, was the daughter of Sagon of Akkad, and served as High Priestess of the Moon God at Ur. She composed a body of temple hymns, including works of remarkable intensity addressed to the goddess Inanna, and she signed them. Her name is attached to her compositions in the text itself, discussing her own role and her own experience in the first person several centuries before anybody else on earth thought to do that.
43:54
These were liturgical works, meaning they were performed with music, and their author was a woman holding one of the most powerful offices in the Empire. Everyone who has ever put their name on a track is standing behind her, in a queue that is four and a half thousand years long, now the tuning. This is the part where the Mesopotamians quietly turn out to have been holding the entire theoretical foundation of Western music while nobody was looking.
44:18
Among the tablets recovered from Nippa and elsewhere, there is a small group of texts that are not hymns, not lists and not letters. They are technical documents about strings. They name the strings of a nine-stringed instrument individually. They name the intervals between them and then they describe a procedure. If the instrument is in one tuning and a particular interval sounds wrong, tighten or loosen a specific string and the instrument moves into the next tuning. Follow the sequence and you cycle through seven distinct tunings, then arrive back where you started.
44:50
What that describes, in plain modern terms, is a set of seven note scales related to each other by a systematic retuning process. It is a diatonic system, worked out and written down in the second millennium before the common era, complete with a standard operating procedure for getting from any one setting to any other.
45:10
Whoever wrote these was not fumbling. They understood that the pleasant relationships between pitches were regular, describable, and repeatable, and they built a professional method around it, which is worth remembering in a few minutes when we get to the Greek gentleman who is traditionally given the credit for discovering all of this. He was, at the very least, standing on a large pile of Mesopotamian homework. It also explains what is happening on our Ugarit tablet. That second section is not writing down the melody the way modern notation does, with symbols for individual pitches.
45:42
It is written in the vocabulary of the tuning texts. The terms are interval names, drawn from the same system paired with numbers. So the scribe is not recording sounds. The scribe is recording settings and actions. This pair of strings, this many times, then that pair.
45:59
It is a document written by a musician for another musician who already knows the instrument, the tuning system and the conventions, in the same way that a chord chart handed to a session player is meaningless to everybody else in the room.
46:12
This makes it enormously valuable and enormously frustrating and here is why. Because the notation assumes knowledge nobody alive has, the tablet can be interpreted in more than one way, and it has been.
46:24
Anne Drafkorn-Kilmer produced an influential reading in the 1970s, which is the version most people have heard, and it is the one that suggested the piece involved more than one note sounding at a time. Other scholars, including Marcel Duchesne-Guillemain, David Wulstan, Raoul Vital and Richard Dumbril, have each produced their own transcriptions, and the results are not minor variations on a theme. They are different melodies, the same tablet, the same signs, and a set of realisations that a listener would not identify as related.
46:56
So the oldest song in the world currently exists mainly in the form of cover versions, all of them by academics, none of them able to prove they are correct, and each of them convinced about the others. There are recordings of several online, and they range from a solemn ceremonial hymn to something you could reasonably clap along to. Three and a half thousand years of silence and the moment the song comes back the fandom immediately splits into factions over which version is the real one. Some things about music simply do not change. The tablet does carry one more detail that closes the loop on this chapter's argument.
47:30
Like many Mesopotamian documents, it ends with a colophon, the scribal note recording who wrote it and in this case crediting the composition, a song credited in writing from the 14th century before the Common Era. Somebody wanted their name attached to their work and after three and a half millennia it is still attached. That is a better outcome than most modern contracts deliver. It is worth knowing where that tablet was sitting and why it lasted, because the story of its survival is unusually pointed. Ugarit was a wealthy port on the Mediterranean coast, a trading hub where Egyptian, Hittite, Cypriot, Mycenaean and Mesopotamian goods and people all crossed paths, and it was culturally ambitious in ways that went well beyond commerce.
48:11
Its scribes worked in several languages and it is the place where somebody took the cumbersome cuneiform system and reduced it to an alphabet of about 30 signs, which is one of the more consequential simplifications in human history.
48:24
A city that streamlined writing was also, unsurprisingly, a city interested in writing down music.
48:31
The excavations that began there in 1929 under Claude Schaeffer eventually produced a group of around 30 tablets carrying musical notation, of which our hymn is the only one preserved in anything close to a usable state.
48:43
The rest are fragments, which is to say the world's first album exists, and we have one track in the edges of several others, and the reason any of it survived is bleak in a way that keeps recurring in this story.
48:55
Around 1200 years before the Common Era, the interconnected Bronze Age world came apart with remarkable speed. Trade routes failed, kingdoms collapsed and Ugarit was destroyed and never reoccupied, which is why the tablets stayed where they fell instead of being recycled, rewritten or built over by the next 15 centuries of city life. Clay that has been through a fire becomes tougher, not weaker.
49:20
The oldest surviving melody on earth came down to us in good condition specifically because the place that produced it ended badly, which is a rule that applies to a depressing amount of what we know about the ancient world. Archives survive catastrophes, working cities tidy up. It took a long time for anyone to notice what they had, incidentally. The tablets came out of the ground in the 1950s and the recognition that this particular one contained a performable melody rather than obscure liturgical vocabulary did not arrive until the 1970s.
49:51
The oldest song in the world spent two decades in storage being catalogued as an interesting religious text, which is the archaeological equivalent of finding a masterpiece in the attic and using it to level a wardrobe.
50:03
The instrument cabinet of the region expanded steadily across these centuries, and the editions tell you what the music was for.
50:10
Alongside the great lyres there were smaller portable versions that a player could carry while walking, which is how music got into processions. There were arched harps with the strings running at an angle from a curved neck.
50:21
Around 2000 years before the Common Era, the long-necked lute appears in Mesopotamian art. A small sound box with a long, fretted arm played with a plectrum, and this is a genuinely important moment. A lute lets one pair of hands stop a single string at many points to produce many notes, which means the instrument no longer needs one string per pitch, which means it can be small, cheap and carried by one person. Every guitar in every bedroom traces back to that design decision.
50:49
There were also reed pipes in pairs, which produced a bright buzzing tone that carried outdoors and percussion in a wide range, from small hand-held frame drums that appear constantly in figurines to the enormous ritual kettledrum known as the Lilisu. That last one has a documented consecration procedure, preserved on later tablets, and it is a spectacular illustration of how seriously this was all taken.
51:13
The drum could not simply be built. The animal whose hide would cover it had to meet specific requirements. The process involved incantations at particular hours, priests recited over the workshop, and the finished instrument was treated as a sacred object with its own ceremonial standing. The idea of a musical instrument being blessed rather than merely purchased survived for a very long time after this, though the paperwork got shorter. Frame drums, incidentally, appear in the hands of women in figurine after figurine across the region, which is our first hint of something we are about to see much more clearly a few hundred kilometres to the south-west.
51:48
We also have a decent idea of when all this playing actually happened thanks to a decorated wooden box from Ur usually called The Standard which carries inlaid panels showing scenes of war on one side and a banquet on the other.
52:00
On the banquet panel, behind the rows of seated figures with their cups, stands a musician holding a large bull-headed lyre with a singer beside him. It is the oldest picture of a gig in existence, and every element of it is instantly recognisable. The important people are seated and eating, the musicians are standing at the back, and nobody in the room is looking at them. Some professional conditions were established very early and have proved impossible to reform. the repertoire we can partially reconstruct is broader than temple ceremony there is a whole sumerian genre of city laments extended sung poems mourning the destruction of specific cities of which the lament for ur is the best known and they are performed works rather than literary exercises built with refrains and repeated structures designed to be sung Music was also woven into healing.
52:49
Incantation texts specify that particular words are to be recited or sung alongside particular ritual actions, sometimes with a drum, because the boundary between medicine, religion and performance did not exist yet and would not for a long time, and music turns up inside the great literature of the region as well, with instruments appearing in the story of Gilgamesh as objects of significance rather than decoration. Training left traces too. Scribal schools produced practice tablets, and among the copied vocabulary lists that students work through there are extensive catalogues of instrument names, string names and musical terms, which means musical terminology was part of the standard educational curriculum for the literate class.
53:30
Somebody, 4,000 years ago, was doing homework on the parts of a liar. Their handwriting has survived. Their enthusiasm for the exercise has not been recorded, but I feel qualified to guess.
53:42
One caution before we leave the payroll, because it would be easy to hear all this and picture a comfortable middle class of Bronze Age professionals. The status range was enormous. At the top sat temple officials and court favourites with land, titles and access to rulers.
53:57
At the bottom sat performers who were household property, listed in inventories of an estate alongside its livestock and its furniture, moved and given away at the owner's discretion. The same job title could describe a person of considerable influence, and a person with no legal control over their own movements, and the surviving documents rarely make it obvious which one we are reading about. So the first music industry was also the first industry in which the identical skill could make one person powerful and leave another with nothing, depending entirely on who happened to own the room they played in.
54:30
That particular feature has proved extraordinarily durable and we will be seeing it again in every single chapter that follows. Egypt runs on a different logic and the difference is instructive. Mesopotamia gave us the accountants of music, the people who wrote down settings and rations and inventories Egypt gives us the pictures, thousands of them, painted on tomb walls in exceptional detail, showing musicians at work across 3,000 years and almost no technical information whatsoever about what any of it sounded like.
55:02
Egyptian music is overwhelmingly ritual and ceremonial in the record we have. It accompanies temple offerings, funerals, processions, agricultural festivals and royal occasions, and its patron is the goddess Hathor, whose portfolio includes love, joy, dance, drunkenness and music, which is an unusually enjoyable set of responsibilities compared to most of the pantheon.
55:24
Her priesthood included large numbers of musicians, and her signature instrument is the sistrum, which requires some explanation. A sistrum is a rattle, that is the whole design, a handle, a frame with a few loose metal crossbars threaded through it, and a set of small discs that jingle when the object is shaken.
55:43
mechanically it is a baby toy with a religious license in practice it was one of the most sacred instruments in egypt held by priestesses and queens depicted in the hands of royalty carried in temple ritual and shaken with an expression of absolute solemnity because the sound was believed to please the goddess and to drive off hostile forces whether it worked on hostile forces is unrecorded What can be stated with confidence is that four thousand years ago there was a profession which consisted, at the highest levels of the state, of shaking a small metal rattle while keeping a completely straight face, and that this was regarded as a position of enormous prestige.
56:21
Around the Systrom sits an orchestra we can reconstruct with unusual confidence, because the paintings are so specific. The Old Kingdom instrument set is dominated by the arched harp, which appears in many sizes from a small model held in the lap to a floor standing instrument taller than the player, along with end-blown flutes held at an angle, double pipes and clappers, often carved in the shape of a pair of human hands, which is a lovely piece of design given that clappers exist to replace clapping.
56:50
Later, during the New Kingdom, the picture changes as instruments arrive from Asia through trade and conquest. The lyre, the lute, the oboe-type double reed, larger drums and the tambourine. You can date an Egyptian musical scene fairly well just by what is in the player's hands.
57:07
The tomb paintings also preserve something remarkable that has no equivalent anywhere else at this date.
57:13
In several Old Kingdom scenes one figure sits among the musicians making a specific hand gesture thumb and forefinger positioned in one arrangement arm held in a particular way while the players look at them. Different scenes show different gestures. Egyptologists call this chironomy and the interpretation is that these are signals indicating pitch or interval to the ensemble, which makes the person doing it a live conductor operating a hand code roughly four and a half thousand years ago. The gestures are consistent enough across sites to look like a shared vocabulary.
57:46
What we cannot do is read it, because nobody wrote down the key, which means we have footage of the conductor and no idea what he was asking for, and this is the great frustration of Egyptian music. There are more images of musicians from ancient Egypt than from any other early civilization, and no notation at all. Instruments survive in museum cases. Players survive on plaster. The sound does not survive in any form, and no scribe ever produced the Egyptian equivalent of those string-tuning tablets, or if one did, we have not found it.
58:17
A society that documented everything else in obsessive detail, including precisely how much bread and beer each worker on a building project received, simply did not consider melody the kind of thing you write down.
58:30
There is a theory about why, and it is a bit deflating. The music was probably regarded as unchanging and known to everyone who needed to know it.
58:39
Ritual repertoire performed by trained temple staff, passed from teacher to student, embedded in ceremonies that were supposed to be identical this century and next. You do not write instructions for something that never changes, and that all the practitioners already have in their heads. The information was in the people, and the people, unfortunately, went the way of every other biodegradable part of this story. Which brings me to the joke I've been sitting on since the harp section. Egypt produced the most ambitious architectural projects in the ancient world, monuments engineered to a standard that still causes arguments, decorated to a level of finish that no one has improved on.
59:17
And musically, from the evidence we have, they seem to have been perfectly content with a stable, conservative, largely unchanging tradition maintained for millennia. The epic went into the stone. The music was, as far as we can tell, the standard package. Somewhere in the Old Kingdom a project meeting concluded that the budget was going to the blocks and the audio would be handled in-house. Now the part of Egyptian music history that genuinely matters and that gets skipped constantly. Women were everywhere in it, at every level, in positions of real institutional standing.
59:50
Tomb paintings show female harpists, female flute players, female singers and female clappers, frequently in ensembles composed entirely of women, performing for the household and in temple contexts. Titles were formal and recorded. During the New Kingdom, an enormous number of elite women held the position of chantress, a temple office with duties in daily ritual, and the title appears on coffins and stele as a defining part of the woman's identity, listed the way you would list any significant career.
60:21
Female musicians appear in the household staff of the highest officials. Some appear as named individuals with their own tomb decoration rather than as anonymous background figures, and at least one Old Kingdom singer is shown together with her harpist in a context that indicates a working partnership known well enough to be worth commemorating.
60:41
None of this means ancient Egypt was an egalitarian society. It was not. But in the specific matter of professional musical employment, women held more recognised posts in the Nile Valley than they would hold in Europe for the following 3,000 years, and I want that sentence to land because we are going to spend several chapters watching European women get their compositions published under their brothers' names. Egypt also produced the earliest lyrics we can read in full and understand emotionally in a genre known as the harper songs, performed by a singer with a harp at banquets and funerary occasions, sometimes depicted as blind.
61:17
The most famous of these, preserved in copies referring to the tomb of a king named Intef, is not a hymn of praise. It observes that the great builders of the past are gone and their monuments stand empty, that nobody has ever returned from the far side to describe the arrangements, and that the reasonable response is to enjoy the day you have with good food, good company, fine linen and music. Written down more than 3,000 years ago in a culture famous almost entirely for its funeral industry, and it is a song telling people to live while they can. Every civilization eventually arrives at this idea.
61:50
Egypt got there first and set it to a harp.
61:53
And the harper songs are only the formal end of Egyptian repertoire. Tomb walls also preserve, in small columns of text written above scenes of ordinary labor, snatches of what people sang while working.
62:05
There are lines placed over herdsmen driving cattle through water, over men threshing grain, over workers hauling and lifting, and they read as exactly what they are. Short rhythmic phrases addressed to animals, to colleagues, to the task itself, encouraging, complaining, keeping time.
62:23
This is the only surviving trace of the enormous unofficial musical life that must have surrounded the official one, and it exists purely because a tomb decorator thought the scene needed captions. The most common music in ancient Egypt was almost certainly a tired person singing at a cow, and we know about it by accident.
62:40
Ordinary households had their own musical patron as well, and he is far more appealing than the formal deities. Bess was a small, broad, cheerful, protective god associated with the home, with childbirth, with warding off unpleasant things, and he is depicted again and again playing a tambourine or a harp, sometimes dancing. He appears on furniture, mirrors, cosmetic containers and amulets, meaning ordinary families kept an image of a musician god in the room with them. Temple music belonged to the state, best belonged to everyone else, and here's the reason we can say with confidence that Egyptians associated music with domestic happiness and not only with ritual obligation.
63:20
One more visual convention deserves a note, because it has generated a persistent modern legend. Harpists in Egyptian art are frequently shown with eyes closed or with the eye rendered in a way that suggests blindness, which has led to a durable claim that Egyptian harpists were systematically blind or blinded.
63:38
The evidence does not support anything so dramatic. Some players clearly were blind, blindness was common in the ancient world for entirely ordinary medical reasons, and a career in music was one of the few skilled professions genuinely open to someone without sight, which is a pattern repeated in many later cultures. The convention in art probably reflects both that reality and a stylistic choice to show a performer absorbed in the sound.
64:04
Not everything strange in Egyptian painting is a conspiracy. Sometimes it is a man concentrating. There is a smaller Egyptian musical story I have to include for the sheer strangeness of it, because it connects the Bronze Age to the Age of Radio. Among the objects recovered from the tomb of Tutankhamun were two trumpets, one silver and one of copper alloy, straight instruments a little over half a metre long, still intact after more than three thousand years.
64:31
In 1939 they were played on a live broadcast with an enormous listening audience, which is very nearly the only time anyone will ever hear an authentic sound from that world.
64:41
The performance did not go entirely to plan, as an ancient metal tube subjected to modern lung pressure is not a stable arrangement and one of the instruments was damaged in the process. A legend attached itself afterwards, claiming the trumpets summon conflict whenever they are sounded, which is the sort of story that thrives when a recording is followed within months by upheaval on a continental scale. The rational version is that a fragile artefact was handled optimistically. The story went around the world anyway, because a cursed instrument is simply better material than a metal fatigue report.
65:13
So here is where all of this leaves us, and it is a change in kind rather than a change in degree. Before this period, music was something a community did. After it, music is something a person is employed to do. That single shift drags in behind it the entire apparatus that musicians have been dealing with ever since.
65:32
Once there is pay, there is a payer and the payer has opinions.
65:37
Once there is a ceremony on a fixed date there is a deadline and it does not move because you are not feeling inspired. Once there is a rank of chief musician there is a hierarchy and a person above you who will be reviewing the performance. Once the instruments belong to the temple rather than to the player there is equipment you can be separated from. and once your position exists on a staff list, it can be removed from a staff list. The trade acquires everything at once – the client, the schedule, the supervisor, the internal politics and the job description.
66:08
Four and a half thousand years later, the essential structure of a working musician's life has not been substantially redesigned. It has only changed employers, I will note for the record that the temple musician of Sumer had guaranteed rations, institutional standing, professional training, defined duties and lifelong employment.
66:29
Our counter of composers who died with empty pockets sits untouched at one through this entire era, and it is not going to look this quiet again for a very long time.
66:38
The most financially secure the profession has ever been was approximately 4,000 years ago in a mudbrick temple paid in barley and beer, which is a sentence I would like every freelance musician watching to sit with for a moment.
66:51
The counter of bands, meanwhile, has not yet opened at all. Nobody so far has looked at music and concluded that it constitutes a threat requiring official restriction. Music has been sacred, salaried, buried with royalty, credited to authors and used in state ritual, and at no point has anyone in charge suggested there might be something dangerous about it.
67:11
That comfortable arrangement lasts until a civilization appears that thinks about everything far too much, works out that music obeys mathematical laws, and then draws the logical conclusion that anything operating by hidden laws is powerful, and anything powerful needs supervision.
67:27
That civilization is Greece, and the object that starts the trouble is almost insultingly simple. A single string stretched over a long wooden box with a movable bridge underneath it that can be slid to any point along the length. That is a monochord. One string, one box, one sliding wedge, and no musical use whatsoever, because you cannot play anything interesting on one string. It was not built to make music, it was built to measure it. Here is what it does. Pluck the open string and it produces a note.
67:58
Slide the bridge to the exact midpoint and pluck half the string, and the note that comes out is the same note, higher, sitting so comfortably with the first one that most listeners cannot say what has changed.
68:10
That is the octave, and the string is divided in the ratio of two to one. Now put the bridge at two-thirds of the length. The result is the interval a modern musician calls a fifth, the sturdiest and most obviously agreeable pairing in music, and the ratio is three to two. Move it to three-quarters, and you get the fourth at four to three. Simple whole numbers, small ones.
68:33
the consonances that human beings across the planet had been finding pleasant for tens of thousands of years turn out to be nothing more mysterious than a string cut into tidy fractions and the more complicated the fraction the rougher and more unsettled the interval sounds beauty measured with a stick There is a crack in this beautiful system and it is worth planting here because it comes back to cause enormous trouble later. If you build a tuning by stacking those clean fifths one after another, each one a perfect three to two and keep going until you arrive back at the note you started from.
69:05
You do not arrive back at the note you started from. You land slightly above it. The gap is small, roughly a quarter of the distance between two adjacent keys on a modern keyboard, and it is not a measurement error or a manufacturing flaw. It is arithmetic. Stacked fifths and stacked octaves are powers of different numbers and they can never meet exactly, no matter how carefully anyone builds the instrument. That leftover discrepancy is called the Pythagorean comma and it means the mathematically perfect tuning system is internally impossible.
69:38
Every tuning method in history since is a different strategy for deciding where to hide the error and instrument makers spent the following 2,000 years shoving it into whichever corner of the scale they used least. Remember it. It becomes a full-blown crisis eventually, and the solution requires abandoning perfection on purpose. This discovery is traditionally credited to Pythagoras, active in the 6th century before the Common Era, and the credit needs some careful handling. As already noted, the tuning specialists of Mesopotamia had a working diatonic system with a systematic retuning procedure more than a thousand years earlier, which means they knew perfectly well how these relationships behaved even if they described them in strings and steps rather than in ratios.
70:21
Pythagoras also wrote nothing down, or at least nothing that survives, and the entire body of Pythagorean doctrine reaches us through followers and biographers, writing centuries later, in a school that had a strong institutional interest in attributing everything to the founder.
70:36
The most repeated story about the discovery is a good example. In the traditional version, Pythagoras walks past a workshop, hears hammers striking metal, notices that some combinations sound harmonious and others do not, investigates, and finds that the harmonious hammers have weights in simple numerical proportion.
70:56
It is a wonderful anecdote, and it is also physically wrong.
71:00
The pitch of a struck object does not vary with weight in the neat way the story requires and anyone who tests it discovers this within about ten minutes, which means the founding legend of mathematical music theory is an experiment that does not work, retold approvingly for two and a half thousand years by people who never tried it. The consequences, though, were entirely real and they were enormous.
71:23
Because once you accept that musical beauty is numerical, music stops being an art that happens to be pleasant and becomes evidence about the structure of reality. The Pythagoreans took this in the most ambitious direction available. If strings obey ratios and the heavens are arranged in ratios, then the movements of the celestial bodies must themselves produce a vast inaudible harmony, and the reason nobody hears it is that it has been sounding continuously since birth and there is no silence to compare it with.
71:51
That idea, the harmony of the spheres, went on to occupy serious thinkers for the next two thousand years and it explains why music ended up filed alongside arithmetic, geometry and astronomy in the standard curriculum rather than alongside painting and sculpture. So the practical result of a Greek man with a piece of wood and a string was that music officially became a branch of mathematics and no school child has been fully happy since.
72:16
Every person who has ever been asked to identify a diminished interval on a written test is downstream of that box. Not everyone agreed, and the counter-argument arrived quickly enough to be worth noting, because it never went away.
72:28
Aristoxenus, a pupil of Aristotle in the 4th century before the Common Era, wrote a treatise on harmonics arguing that the study of music should proceed from what the ear actually perceives. that intervals should be understood as distances heard rather than as fractions calculated, and that the numerical approach was describing string lengths rather than music.
72:49
That is the oldest surviving version of an argument still running today between the people who analyse and the people who play, and both sides have been convinced of their own obvious correctness for twenty-four centuries. Before the instruments, one word, because it is the word we have been using this entire time without asking where it came from. Our term music descends from the Greek musik, and musik does not mean what we mean. It means the arts belonging to the muses, and it covers poetry, song, dance and instrumental playing as a single combined discipline, with no useful line between them.
73:22
A Greek education in musike trained a young citizen in all of it at once – to sing, to play a string instrument to an acceptable standard, to move in time with a group and to hold poetry in memory.
73:34
The subject sat alongside physical training as one of the two halves of a proper upbringing, one for the body and one for everything else, which means that the very name of the thing preserves a memory of the older arrangement described earlier, in which nobody separated a tune from the dance and the words attached to it. The Greeks split music off from poetry and movement slowly and reluctantly, and then handed the vocabulary to us, and we have been quietly using a word for a package deal to describe one item in it ever since.
74:02
Now to the instruments, because Greece did something odd, it sorted them by class. On one side is the lyre and its larger professional relative the kithara. Strings, plucked, moderate volume, sung over comfortably because the player's mouth is free. The lyre belonged to Apollo, appeared in every respectable education, and was the instrument a free citizen was expected to be able to handle at a decent amateur level.
74:28
Learning it was part of becoming a civilized person. You played it at gatherings, you accompanied yourself while reciting poetry, and doing so demonstrated self-control, balance and good breeding.
74:40
On the other side is the aulos, and here the Greeks lose their composure entirely. The aulos is a pair of pipes, played simultaneously, each with a reed in the mouthpiece, producing a bright, penetrating, buzzing tone with serious carrying power. It is closer to an oboe than a flute, and calling it shrill is the polite version of what its critics said. It belonged to Dionysus, it drove processions and dancing and drinking parties, it was the standard instrument for the wilder end of religious festivals, and it required so much breath control that skilled players sometimes wore a leather strap across the cheeks to keep them from bulging, and the Greeks disapproved of it, loudly, in writing.
75:19
The stated objections are worth repeating because of how petty they are. Playing the aulos distorts the face, which is undignified. It fills the mouth so the player cannot sing or speak, which means it produces no words and therefore no thought. It excites the emotions rather than ordering them. And crucially, it requires so much practice to master that anyone genuinely good at it must have neglected the rest of their education, which marks them as a professional, and professionalism in performance was considered faintly degrading for a gentleman.
75:50
Aristotle, in his political writing, explicitly argues that the instrument should be kept out of the education of free citizens for precisely these reasons.
75:59
I want to be very clear that this is not my opinion about double reed instruments. This is a documented, sustained, centuries-long culture war between the string faction and the wind faction, conducted by philosophers, with real social consequences for the people playing.
76:14
The mythology backs it up neatly, which is usually a sign that a culture has strong feelings. In one story, Athena invents the Orlos, plays it, catches sight of her reflection with her cheeks puffed out, is appalled, and throws it away, cursing whoever picks it up. In another, a satyr named Marcius finds it, becomes brilliant at it, and challenges Apollo and his strings to a musical contest.
76:38
Apollo wins, partly by changing the rules mid-contest to require singing while playing, which the Aulos physically prevents, and Marcius comes to an extremely bad end that I am not going to describe. The moral of the official version is that mortals should not compete with gods. The moral of the practical version is that the string players wrote the myths. Between these two poles sat everything else, and the supporting cast is larger than the arguments suggest. There were pan pipes, a graded row of stopped reed tubes bound together and blown across the top, associated with herdsmen and the countryside and therefore free of the whole social controversy.
77:15
There was the salpinx, a straight metal trumpet used for signals at races and in warfare, which had its own competitive event at the games, judged on volume and which nobody claimed was beautiful. There were hand-held percussion instruments of every kind, small cymbals, castanet-style clappers and frame drums, associated particularly with ecstatic religious rites and with dancing, and there was the lyre's smaller domestic version, the instrument that lived in ordinary houses and got passed around at dinners. That last setting deserves a mention, because it was where most Greeks actually made music.
77:50
At a symposium, the drinking gathering that followed a formal meal, an instrument would circulate among the guests, and each man in turn was expected to sing a short song, often improvising a verse or capping the one before. It was not a performance, it was a social obligation with a musical component and the ability to take your turn without embarrassment was part of being an acceptable guest.
78:11
Somewhere between there and the modern era, the same activity acquired a machine, a screen, a microphone and a small room rented by the hour. Underneath the snobbery sits a genuine theory and it is the reason this chapter exists.
78:25
The Greeks did not think music expressed emotion. They thought music installed it. The doctrine is called ethos, and it holds that the various scale patterns available to a musician each act on the human character in a specific and predictable way.
78:41
Play in one, and it produces steadiness, discipline, and courage. Play in another, and it produces softness, relaxation, and a general slackening of moral fibre, particularly in the young. Another was regarded as agitating and ecstatic, suitable for religious frenzy and unsuitable for anyone expected to hold public office. This was not a metaphor about mood. It was understood as a causal process, the way a diet or a training regime works on a body over time.
79:10
The philosopher Daemon of Athens is credited with the position that you cannot change the styles of music in a society without changing its fundamental laws and institutions along with them. A quick technical note to prevent a very common confusion.
79:24
The Greek names for these scale patterns were later borrowed by medieval European theorists and attached to different structures, so the mode called Dorian in a modern textbook is not the thing an Athenian meant by the word. The label survived. The contents were swapped somewhere in the handover. If you have ever wondered why ancient sources and modern ones seem to disagree about what these things are, that is why, and it is one of the longest-running filing errors in the history of scholarship.
79:51
Now follow the ethos idea to its logical conclusion, because the Greeks certainly did. If certain musical materials reliably make people braver, and others reliably make them softer, then music is not entertainment. It is an input to the character of the citizen, which makes it an input to the quality of the army, the assembly and the state. And anything with that kind of leverage cannot simply be left to the preferences of whoever is holding the instrument. which is how we get the first documented proposal for state control of music in Plato's Republic, written in the 4th century before the Common Era.
80:26
In the course of designing his ideal city, Plato works through education in detail, and when he arrives at music he is entirely direct. Certain scale patterns are to be excluded from the city because they encourage indulgence and lamentation, Certain instruments are to be excluded because they can produce too many notes and too many patterns, and the many stringed instruments and the orlos both get named. Simplicity is to be preferred, complexity is to be treated with suspicion, and innovation in musical style is to be watched carefully because a new kind of music is the beginning of a new kind of citizen.
81:00
There it is. Around 24 centuries ago one of the most influential minds in human history sat down, considered the question of music and concluded that the correct policy was a list of approved instruments and a prohibited scale register.
81:15
Our counter of official restrictions, silent throughout everything we have covered so far, opens here and immediately starts climbing and it never stops for the rest of this story.
81:26
The idea was not confined to philosophical fantasy either. There is a much-repeated report from Sparta concerning a celebrated performer who arrived with an instrument carrying extra strings beyond the traditional number and was met by officials who objected to the innovation and dealt with the additional strings directly.
81:44
The details vary between retellings, and the whole thing may be an improving fable rather than a record, which is exactly what you would expect from a story about Sparta and cultural conservatism. But the fact that it circulated widely and was recounted with approval tells you what people believed a responsible authority ought to do about a musician with too much equipment.
82:05
The Conservatives had something concrete to be furious about, incidentally, because in the late 5th century before the Common Era there was a genuine stylistic upheaval, known to modern scholars as the new music.
82:17
Star performers began adding strings to their instruments to expand the available range, writing pieces that changed scale system partway through, imitating natural sounds, stretching single syllables across long, decorative runs, and generally treating the audience as customers to be impressed, rather than citizens to be improved. Composers such as Timotheus of Miletus and Philoxenus built enormous popular reputations doing exactly this, and traditionalists reacted with the full range of responses familiar from every subsequent generational fight about music.
82:52
Complaints about vulgarity, accusations of technical showing off with no substance, satirical mockery on the comic stage, and confident predictions of civilizational decline.
83:03
The new style won the audiences and the old style won the arguments, which is the standard outcome and would remain so. Meanwhile, in the actual musical life of Greek cities, something considerably more fun was happening and it involved putting music in front of very large audiences on a fixed annual schedule. Greek theatre was not spoken drama with incidental background music, it was sung. The chorus, a trained group of citizens who sang and moved together in formation, was the structural heart of a tragedy, delivering long passages in verse with an aulos player accompanying, and the solo characters shifted between speech, heightened chant and full song depending on the emotional temperature of the scene.
83:43
Rhythm was built into the poetry itself, since Greek verse meter is based on the length of syllables rather than on stress, meaning the text arrives with its timing already specified. A playwright was expected to compose the music as well as the words and to direct the singers. so the theatrical form that Europe would later invent all over again at enormous expense, with orchestras and choruses and characters who abandoned dialogue to express themselves in song already existed in 5th century Athens, playing to audiences of many thousands in daylight on a hillside roughly 2,400 years before anybody built a theatre district in New York.
84:20
The first musical is not modern, the first musical is Greek, and the second act generally does not end well for anybody involved. These works were staged at civic festivals, which is the other detail that ought to sound familiar. Playwrights competed against each other, with entries selected in advance, a public performance across several days, judges appointed by a formal procedure, and a winner announced at the end.
84:45
There were also separate competitions for musical performance, for chorus training, and for individual players at Athens and at the Great Panhellenic Festivals, which means the awards ceremony, complete with juries, short lists, sponsors funding the productions, and a losing majority going home to explain that the judging was political, is not a 20th century invention either. Music has been a competitive sport with a trophy at the end since before the Parthenon was finished. Here is the maddening part. From this entire brilliant musical culture, with its theory, its festivals, its professional stars and its philosophical arguments, we have around 60 surviving fragments of actual notated music, and most of them are scraps.
85:28
The Greeks did develop a notation, using letters and modified letter shapes placed above the text to indicate pitch, with separate systems for voice and instruments, and it worked well enough that a few pieces can be read today with reasonable confidence. Two of them stand out. The first are the Delphic Hymns, from the late 2nd century before the Common Era, which survived because they were carved onto stone walls at the Sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi. with the notation cut above the words. Someone decided this music mattered enough to put it in masonry, which is the single most durable publishing format ever attempted and has a considerably better track record than the digital one.
86:05
The second is a short song engraved on a stone column from Asia Minor, usually dated to somewhere in the 1st or 2nd century of the Common Era, known as the Epitaph of Sekilos.
86:17
It is the oldest complete piece of music that survives from anywhere in the world. Complete meaning we have every note, every word and the full structure with nothing missing. The column was set up by a man to commemorate his wife, and the text advises the reader, in four short lines, to be cheerful while alive, because existence is brief and time eventually demands everything back.
86:41
As it happens, we have already met that sentiment on a Nile harp, several centuries earlier, which suggests it is less a philosophy than a species-wide conclusion that people keep arriving at independently and setting to music. The tune is about 15 seconds long, it is genuinely lovely, and the entire surviving musical output of classical antiquity would fit comfortably on one side of an old cassette with room left over for silence. The theory, on the other hand, survived beautifully, and that is the part that shaped the next thousand years.
87:13
Around the year 500 of the Common Era, a Roman official and scholar named Boethius wrote a treatise on music that summarised the Greek mathematical tradition in Latin, organising it into a tidy system and dividing music into the harmony of the universe, the harmony of the human being, and the merely audible kind produced by instruments, which he ranked last.
87:34
That book became the standard European textbook on the subject for the entire medieval period and was still being taught in universities more than 800 years later. So the music of antiquity vanished almost completely, while the paperwork about the music of antiquity was preserved with enormous care and taught to everybody.
87:52
Europe inherited the theory of a sound it could no longer hear, which explains a great deal about what happens next. Rome inherits all of this, and the Roman relationship with Greek music is straightforward and slightly funny. They copied it. Educated Romans learned Greek theory, Greek instruments, Greek repertoire and Greek terminology, and the orlos became the tibia, the cathara stayed roughly the cathara, and the arguments about which instruments were suitable for gentlemen were imported wholesale along with the equipment. There is very little Roman music theory that is not a restatement of Greek music theory in Latin, which the Romans themselves would not have considered an insult since they regarded Greek culture as the premium product and their own contribution as knowing how to run things.
88:36
What Rome did add was engineering and scale, and both changed the sound of the ancient world. The engineering item is the water organ, the hydraulis, credited to an inventor named Tisibius working in Alexandria in the 3rd century before the Common Era. The problem with any pipe organ is maintaining steady air pressure because human lungs and simple bellows produce an uneven push that makes the tone waver. The solution was a container of water used as a pressure regulator with air pumped into a chamber above the water so that the weight of the liquid keeps the supply constant while the pump is refilled.
89:11
Air is then released into rows of tuned pipes by sliders operated from a keyboard. Read that again and note what it contains. A keyboard, multiple ranks of pipes, mechanically maintained pressure and an operator who is not producing any of the air themselves. This is the first instrument in history that requires a machine to function and, in most versions, a second person to work the pump.
89:36
Music now has infrastructure and it has a technician.
89:40
A remarkably complete example of a later Roman organ was recovered in Hungary, buried when the building around it burned in the third century of the Common Era, and its metal pipework survived well enough to tell us how the ranks were arranged. The Hydraulis was loud, which was the point. It played at games, at spectacles, at public entertainments, in banquet halls and at large gatherings, because it was the only instrument capable of filling an enormous space by itself. It also became a fashionable novelty and there are Roman references to the organ as the sort of thing an ambitious host acquires and an unlucky neighbour has to live near.
90:15
The first amplification technology arrived roughly 2000 years before the amplifier and the first noise complaint about a keyboard instrument followed immediately. The scale item is the army. Roman military music was not a morale exercise, it was a communication system.
90:31
A legion on the move or in the field cannot be run by shouting, since a voice reaches a few dozen men in good conditions and none at all when a few thousand people are in motion.
90:41
So the army used brass, the straight tuber, the curved cornue wrapped around the player's body and braced on the shoulder, and the smaller buscina. These instruments produced a limited set of clear, extremely loud tones and the tones carried coded instructions – advance, halt, change formation, assemble at the standards, break camp.
91:02
The signaller stood beside the commander and the commander's decisions travelled at the speed of sound. which makes the Roman military musician one of the most consequential jobs in the ancient world, and also, structurally, a professional player performing a repertoire of fixed signals that had to be executed identically every time under difficult conditions, with the consequences of a mistake distributed across several thousand colleagues.
91:26
Well-preserved examples of these instruments have been recovered from sites buried by the eruption at Pompeii, which is how we know the construction in detail. Music also ran the great public occasions. Triumphal processions moved through the city with musicians leading. The arena events were accompanied by instruments including the organ and horns punctuating the proceedings. Temple ritual required precise musical accompaniment performed without error, and a wealthy household displayed status by keeping musicians available for dinners.
91:55
The demand for professional players was therefore huge and their social position was correspondingly awful. This is the Roman contradiction and it echoes the Mesopotamian situation with the volume turned up. Music was everywhere, indispensable, publicly funded and constantly consumed and the people producing it were mostly of low status, frequently enslaved or freed and looked down on by the very audiences employing them.
92:21
Performing for money marked a person as a professional entertainer, and Roman social opinion put entertainers near the bottom of the respectable scale. An aristocrat could enjoy music, discuss music, own musicians and sponsor performances, Actually performing in public for an audience was another matter entirely, and doing it well was worse than doing it badly, because competence proved you had practiced. All of which sets up the single most enjoyable case study in ancient musical history, which is the emperor who ignored every one of these conventions with total commitment.
92:54
nero took his musical career extremely seriously he trained his voice with the discipline of a professional and the sources describe a regime involving diet restrictions exercises and lying with weights on his chest to strengthen his breathing He performed in public, on stage, accompanying himself on the Cathara, at a time when an emperor doing that was a scandal of the First Order. He entered competitions. He toured the Greek festivals in person. He won comprehensively in every event he entered, including at least one where the historical record notes that he had fallen during a chariot race and did not finish, and was awarded the victory anyway on the reasoning that he would certainly have won had he continued.
93:35
The judging panels of ancient Greece were many things, but under these circumstances they were not stupid. He returned to Italy with an enormous quantity of prize wreaths, entering cities in the manner of a victorious general rather than a performer, which was a deliberate statement about the standing of artistic achievement and was received by the Roman elite with the enthusiasm you would expect. And then there is the detail that earns him a permanent place in this story. According to the ancient accounts, when the Emperor performed, the doors of the venue were kept shut and nobody was permitted to leave until he had finished, regardless of how long that took or what happened to them in the meantime.
94:12
The historians report audiences enduring the full programme under close observation, with attendance recorded, applause expected in specific approved patterns and a range of increasingly desperate strategies attempted by people trying to get out.
94:26
Some, we are told, feigned illness. Some pretended to have collapsed and were carried out, which was a plan that only works once per person and is difficult to arrange without cooperation.
94:38
Now, Roman historians writing about Nero were not neutral and a certain amount of this is the ancient equivalent of a hostile press briefing, but the essential picture is consistent across sources and it gives us the first artist in recorded history to solve the problem of the walkout by locking the exits.
94:55
Every performer who has watched the back of a room empty during their set has, at some level, understood the impulse. He is the only one who had the constitutional authority to act on it.
95:06
Which brings us to the first announcement of the ranking, and given everything this chapter has covered, position number five is not going to be an ancient piece at all.
95:14
Position number five goes to the choral finale of the Ninth Symphony of Ludwig van Beethoven, the setting of the poem about joy. Yes, that is a leap of more than two thousand years, and no, this is not because I ran out of Greek material. It is on the list for a specifically classical reason, and the reasoning belongs here rather than in its own century. Consider what has actually happened to that melody. It has been adopted as the official anthem of European institutions, played at ceremonies for a union of hundreds of millions of people.
95:45
It has been used as a national anthem by a state with a political system most of the modern world found unacceptable. It has been performed at official occasions by regimes of radically opposed ideologies, each treating it as a natural expression of their own values. It is played annually across Japan by amateur choirs numbering in the thousands as a fixed end-of-year tradition, in a country with no cultural connection to its origin whatsoever. It has served protest movements and state ceremonies with equal willingness, sometimes in the same decade, sometimes in the same country.
96:17
One tune, every possible political owner. Nobody has ever successfully claimed it, and nobody has been able to leave it alone either. That is the Greek argument, proven across two centuries of practical testing. Music is not a decoration applied to power, it is an instrument of power, capable of making very large numbers of people feel unified about something, without any of them agreeing on what.
96:41
Plato thought a scale could shape a citizen and proposed committees to manage it, and the reasonable modern response is to smile at the paranoia of an ancient philosopher. Then you look at how much effort states have put into deciding which music plays at their most important moments and how furious people become when the wrong music is used for the wrong occasion and the smile becomes less comfortable. He was wrong about the mechanism. He was right that it works. And that is the summary of antiquity in one line. The Greeks discovered that music obeys mathematical law, concluded from this that it was dangerous and started regulating it, while the Romans put it in the army, at the games, on a keyboard powered by water and eventually on a stage with the doors locked.
97:24
which would be an impressive record were it not for the fact that during the exact same centuries three other parts of the world were quietly building musical systems that were larger, more sophisticated, more carefully theorised and considerably better organised than anything happening around the Mediterranean and that in one case involved a state commissioning a set of bronze instruments weighing more than a small truck. The set of bronze instruments in question came out of a waterlogged tomb in Hubei province in 1978.
97:52
and when the excavators finished cataloguing it, they had 65 bells, hung in three tiers on a massive L-shaped wooden frame supported by cast bronze figures with a total weight of roughly four and a half tons.
98:05
The occupant was a regional ruler known as Ma Kui Yi of Zheng, buried around 433 years before the Common Era.
98:13
and the bells had been sitting in mud and ground water for 24 centuries, which is normally the end of the story for anything metal. Instead, the water had sealed them from the air. They came out playable, not approximately playable, playable to the standard of a working instrument, in tune, with the full set arranged in order from bells the size of a fist to bells the height of a person.
98:35
Then the researchers noticed the actually remarkable feature, which is that every single bell produces two entirely different pitches depending on where it is struck. Hit the centre of the face and you get one note. Hit the side and you get another, a specified interval away, cleanly separated with no muddiness between them.
98:53
This is not an accident of casting. It is a consequence of the shape. The bells are not round but almond-shaped in cross-section, which splits the vibration into two independent patterns, and the foundry workers knew exactly what they were doing, because they tuned each bell by grinding away metal from the inside until both of its tones sat where they were supposed to.
99:14
65 bells, 130 deliberately tuned pitches, spanning five octaves, with a full 12-step chromatic range available in the middle registers. And then, in case anybody doubted the intent, the bells carry inscriptions. Over two and a half thousand characters of them, naming the pitches, describing the relationships between them, and cross-referencing the pitch terminology used in different states, which makes the set simultaneously an orchestra and a reference manual.
99:43
It is the ancient world's only surviving instrument that comes with its own documentation printed on the housing.
99:49
Now consider what it took to commission this. Four and a half tons of bronze in an era when bronze was a strategic material used for weapons, ritual vessels and currency. a foundry capable of casting 65 large objects to a tolerance fine enough that tuning by grinding was even possible, a team of specialists to do the tuning, a theoretical system for them to tune to, a frame engineer and a permanent ensemble of players because a set that size requires five or more people striking simultaneously with mallets coordinated closely enough not to ruin each other's work.
100:23
This was not a gift for a music lover. This was a state project with a budget and it went into the ground with its owner because its purpose was to demonstrate permanently that he had been the kind of man who could afford it.
100:35
Which brings us to the central fact about Chinese music in this period and it is one that would have made Plato weep with joy.
100:42
In China, music was not analogous to government. It was an actual component of government, administered as such.
100:50
The classical Chinese conception paired two things as the twin pillars of a functioning society. Ritual, meaning the correct forms of behaviour and ceremony, and music, meaning the correct sounds that accompany them. The two words appear together constantly in the texts as a single compound idea.
101:08
Ritual organises the outside of a person, defining how they stand, speak and behave in relation to others.
101:15
Music organises the inside, working on the emotions directly so that the correct behaviour becomes natural rather than forced. A state where both are properly maintained produces harmonious subjects almost automatically. A state where the music has gone wrong is a state where the harmony is already failing, and the audible disorder is a symptom you can diagnose before the political disorder arrives. That is not decoration on top of statecraft. That is a theory of social engineering in which a wrong note is an early warning system. Confucius, teaching in the 5th century before the Common Era, put music at the centre of education for exactly this reason.
101:51
He regarded it as the finishing element of a properly formed character, the thing that takes a person who knows the rules and turns them into a person who does not need the rules. The stories about his own responses are unusually intense for a philosopher known mainly for his composure. In one much-repeated account he encountered an ancient ceremonial music of legendary quality and was so completely absorbed by it that he did not properly notice his food for three months afterwards, which is either the highest compliment in the history of criticism or a medical concern.
102:22
He also had a practical relationship with repertoire because the collection of 305 ancient poems that became one of the foundational Chinese classics was a song collection. Those texts were sung with melodies that are entirely lost and tradition credits Confucius with editing the anthology into its final form.
102:42
the most influential teacher in East Asian history, spent part of his career sequencing a compilation album. And where there is orthodoxy, there is opposition, which is where this era produces my favourite document in the entire history of music criticism.
102:56
In the same broad period, the philosopher Mosey wrote a treatise arguing against music, not against bad music, against music as a category on principle in a sustained argument, with reasoning. His case is entirely practical and, I have to admit, difficult to refute on its own terms. Musical instruments cost enormous resources to produce, and those resources come out of the population through taxation. Musicians must be fed, and while they are practising they are not farming, weaving, or building.
103:26
An audience listening to music is also not working. Rulers who maintain large ensembles do so at the direct expense of people who cannot afford it, and the entire activity produces nothing that anyone can eat, wear or shelter under. Therefore music is a costly amusement for the powerful, subtracted from the labour of everyone else, and a sensible state would not do it.
103:47
He is wrong, in my professional opinion as a person who has spent six weeks in this field. But he is wrong in an extremely well-organised way, and he holds the distinction of being the first documented person on earth to look directly at music, in writing, and conclude that it was a waste of everybody's time. Every subsequent complaint about music being frivolous, expensive or self-indulgent is a later edition of his book, and none of them have improved the argument. The State, unsurprisingly, sided with music and eventually institutionalized it.
104:19
Under the Han dynasty, around 112 years before the Common Era, an imperial office was established to handle it, usually translated as the Music Bureau. Its responsibilities included overseeing court performance, managing the enormous ceremonial requirements of the imperial calendar, and collecting songs from the provinces, partly for repertoire and partly because what ordinary people were singing about was considered useful intelligence on how the provinces were feeling. The collected texts became a recognized poetic genre in their own right, so the world's first government music department combined an arts council, a ceremonial department and a listening operation, and it existed 2,000 years before any of those things were invented separately in the West.
105:02
A committee decided which music was correct. It was staffed, funded and permanent. And the band's counter opened in the previous chapter now ticks along steadily in the background because an office that determines which music is correct is by definition an office that determines which music is not.
105:20
There is one more Chinese idea that deserves attention because it is the strangest and most consequential in this chapter. The foundational pitch of the entire system, produced by a pipe of specified length, was treated as a matter of state legitimacy. Get that pitch right and the music of the court is in accordance with the natural order, meaning the dynasty is in accordance with the natural order. Get it wrong and you have a problem considerably larger than being out of tune.
105:46
The consequence was that a new dynasty would often commission a reform of the pitch standard, complete with scholarly investigation, historical argument and new instruments, as part of establishing its right to rule. The pipe length was also tied into the system of weights and measures, since the volume of grain a standard pipe holds gives you a measurement unit, which means the audio standard, the length standard and the volume standard were all the same standard. Music was metrology, and both were politics. I would like to point out that the world spent the following 2,000 years failing to agree on a tuning reference, and that when a standard finally arrived in the 20th century, it was set by an international conference rather than by anyone claiming a mandate from heaven.
106:29
Chinese officials would have found the conference method deeply irresponsible. For the record, Chinese theorists also worked out how to generate a full set of pitches by stacking the interval of a fifth, using a method of alternately taking two thirds and four thirds of a pipe length, and they ran into exactly the same closing problem described earlier, arriving very slightly above their starting point instead of exactly on it. The arithmetic is universal, it does not care which civilization discovers it, and it eventually produced the same frustration everywhere.
107:00
Chinese scholars kept working the problem for centuries, and in the 16th century a prince named Zhu Ziyu published a mathematical solution, dividing the octave into twelve equal parts, using the appropriate root calculation to nine digits, several decades before European theorists published their own versions of the same idea. Nobody in China built instruments around it, and nobody in Europe knew it existed.
107:23
Away from the state apparatus, Chinese music also produced the opposite of a 65-bell orchestra.
107:29
The instrument most associated with the educated class was the Qin, a long, quiet, seven-stringed zither played on a table, with a tone so soft that it barely carries across a room and a technique built around subtle sliding and vibrato on notes that are already fading.
107:44
It was not designed to entertain an audience. It was designed to be played by one person, ideally alone, ideally outdoors, ideally while thinking about something profound. Playing it was a mark of cultivation for scholars and officials, alongside calligraphy, painting and games of strategy, and an enormous literature grew up around its repertoire, its philosophy and the correct spiritual attitude for approaching it.
108:09
The classic story attached to the instrument is about listening rather than playing. A master player had one friend who understood precisely what he meant with every piece, hearing mountains when mountains were intended and flowing water when water was intended. When that friend died, the player broke his strings and never performed again, on the grounds that there was no longer anyone left who could hear it properly.
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It is the oldest expression on record of an idea every musician eventually has, which is that the problem is not the music, the problem is the room.
108:41
India took a different route entirely and the document at the centre of it is one of the most ambitious technical manuals produced anywhere in the ancient world. The Natya Shastra, attributed to a figure named Bharata and assembled somewhere between roughly two centuries before and two centuries after the start of the Common Era, is nominally a treatise on theatre.
109:01
In practice, it is a complete production handbook covering stagecraft, architecture, acting, gesture, costume, dance, dramatic structure, music and the psychology of the audience across dozens of chapters.
109:14
Several of those chapters deal specifically with musical scales, intervals, drum technique and the relationship between song, instrument and dance, and they set out a framework that Indian classical music has been building on continuously ever since.
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Its central concept is Rasa, which is usually translated as flavour or essence, and it is a theory of aesthetic emotion. The idea is that a performance does not depict an emotion. It produces a distilled version of one in the audience, and that these come in a defined set. The erotic, the comic, the sorrowful, the furious, the heroic, the fearful, the disgusted, the astonishing, and later a ninth associated with peace and detachment.
109:57
Every element of a production, including the musical mode, the rhythm and the instrumentation, is selected to support the intended flavour. The performer is not expressing themselves. The performer is preparing a specific experience for someone else, using known ingredients, which is why the cooking metaphor is baked into the vocabulary.
110:16
Compare that with the Greek position discussed earlier and the difference is sharp.
110:20
Both cultures believed music acts directly on the human interior. The Greek conclusion was that this makes music a political hazard requiring supervision The Indian conclusion was that it makes music a craft with a technical specification. One set up a licensing committee, the other wrote the manual. Out of the framework laid down in that treatise, and refined over the following thousand years, comes the concept that makes Indian classical music genuinely unlike anything in the Western tradition.
110:48
A raga is not a piece of music. A raga is not a melody, a song, or a tune with a name. A raga is a set of rules. Here is roughly what a raga specifies. Which notes are available and which are excluded? Which of those notes are structurally important and which are ornamental? Which note the melodic line tends to rest on and return to? How you are permitted to move upward through the notes, which is often different from how you are permitted to move downward. characteristic phrases that identify the raga to a listener ornaments that are appropriate and ornaments that are not and frequently in association with the time of day a season or an emotional condition so that certain ragas belong to early morning others to late evening others to the monsoon What the raga does not specify is the actual sequence of notes performed.
111:37
That is generated live by the musician, in real time, inside the constraints.
111:43
A performance may open with an unmetered exploration, in which the player gradually reveals the raga phrase by phrase, unfolding its character before any rhythm cycle begins and then move through progressively more rhythmically intricate sections, all of it improvised within the rules, over a drone that holds the tonal centre fixed so the ear never loses its reference point.
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Two performances of the same rugga by the same musician on consecutive evenings are both completely correct and completely different. So a rugga is, functionally, an algorithm. It is a set of formal constraints that generates an unlimited quantity of valid output, where the output is not stored anywhere and is computed at performance time. The system was designed and documented long before mechanical computation existed and it runs on a trained human being, which makes Indian classical music the oldest generative music system on the planet and it has been in continuous operation for something in the region of 2000 years, which is a considerably better uptime record than any software I have ever used.
112:45
The rhythmic side follows the same logic. Rather than a repeating bar of a fixed number of beats, the framework uses cycles of a defined length with an internal structure of stressed and unstressed positions, some of them long, and the players navigate the cycle rather than simply keeping time inside it. Both the melodic and the rhythmic performer improvise, meet at the top of the cycle, and spend the intervening time constructing elaborate arguments about how to get there.
113:12
Indian tradition also holds one record that nothing else in this story approaches and it has nothing to do with instruments. The chanting of the Vedic hymns, the oldest layer of Sanskrit sacred text, has been transmitted orally for something like 3,000 years using a set of memorization techniques designed specifically to prevent drift. Reciters learn the text in multiple interleaved orders, forwards, in pairs, in reversed pairs and in more elaborate permutations, so that any error breaks the pattern audibly and gets corrected.
113:44
Pitch accents are part of the text itself, meaning the melodic contour is not an interpretation of the words, but a component of them. The result is an oral tradition that has functioned as an error-correcting archive across a hundred generations, without writing, and comparisons between reciters trained in widely separated regions show remarkably little variation.
114:04
As already established, the great weakness of oral transmission is that it drifts. India engineered a version that does not, and did so by treating the human memory as hardware in need of a checksum.
114:15
The instrument that carries most of this story westward is the oud, and it is the single most influential object in this chapter.
114:22
An oud is a short-necked, fretless, plucked instrument, with a deep rounded body, a bent back peg-head, and multiple pairs of strings, played with a plectrum. It emerged in the Middle East, spread through the Islamic world, and travelled into Europe by way of Iberia and Sicily. where the Arabic name for it, al-Oud, was absorbed into European languages and turned into the word lute. From the lute descends a family so large it is easier to describe by exclusion. It includes the European lute in all its sizes, the vihuela, the guitar, the mandolin, and by extension every instrument that consists of a resonant box with a fretted neck and a person holding a pick.
115:04
The electric guitar has a considerably longer family history than its owners generally realise and the family reunion begins in a Baghdad workshop. The professional culture around it was serious. Court musicians in the great Islamic capitals were celebrated, well-paid and competitive to the point of intrigue and the most famous of them, a performer known as Ziriab, made a career move in the 9th century that anyone in the modern industry would recognise instantly. Having become inconveniently brilliant at a court where his own teacher was the established star, he relocated all the way across the Mediterranean world to Cordoba in Iberia, where he was received magnificently and became the dominant cultural figure of the city.
115:44
Tradition credits him with adding a fifth pair of strings to the instrument, replacing the wooden plectrum with a trimmed eagle quill for a better attack, and founding a formal school that trained singers with a structured curriculum of rhythm first, then melody, then ornamentation. He is also credited in later sources with an implausibly long list of innovations in fashion, dining and grooming, which is what happens when a musician becomes fashionable enough that every new idea in the city gets attributed to him by default.
116:13
The theoretical work of this period was equally formidable, and it happened for a specific institutional reason. The translation movement centred on Baghdad had rendered the Greek scientific and philosophical corpus into Arabic, including the mathematical writing on harmonics mentioned earlier, and scholars in the Islamic world therefore inherited the ancient theory intact rather than in the compressed Latin summary that Europe was working from. They then went considerably further with it. Al-Farabi, working in the 10th century, produced a treatise usually known as the Great Book of Music, and it is not a modest document.
116:47
It covers the physical production of sound, the behaviour of vibrating strings, the mathematics of intervals, the construction and tuning of specific instruments, including the eoud and various flutes, the classification of rhythms, the relationship between melody and poetic metre, and the physiology of hearing. It is one of the most substantial works on acoustics produced anywhere before the modern era, written by a man who was also a serious philosopher and, by the accounts, a capable performer, which is a combination that makes everyone else in the field look underqualified.
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He was not alone.
117:21
Al-Kindi had written on musical theory in the previous century, Ibn Sina addressed music within his encyclopaedic work on the sciences, and Safi al-Din in the 13th century produced a systematic treatment of scales that formalised the tonal system underlying much later Middle Eastern practice.
117:38
The result is a continuous scholarly tradition on the mathematics and perception of music running for several hundred years at a level Europe would not match until well into the second millennium, which sits alongside a debate that has never been settled and it is the reason our restrictions counter keeps moving. Within Islamic scholarship there is a long-standing disagreement about the permissibility of music and it is genuinely a disagreement rather than a settled prohibition.
118:04
Some jurists have held that instrumental music and secular song are impermissible or should be strictly limited, particularly in association with drinking, dancing and idleness.
118:14
Others have held that music is lawful, that the objections apply to specific contexts rather than to sound itself, and that certain forms are positively valuable for spiritual purposes.
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Both positions have been argued by major figures across centuries, and the practical outcome has been enormous variation by region, period and school of thought.
118:35
In the same broad civilization you find court orchestras, sophisticated theory, elaborate secular song traditions and devotional musical practices developed to a very high art alongside communities and periods where restrictions were applied strictly. That variation is not confusion. It is the visible result of an unresolved question. The debate remains live today, which makes it one of the longest continuous arguments about music in human history, comfortably outlasting the Greek disagreement about wind instruments, and it also serves as a general reminder that this counter of ours is not a story about any one culture.
119:11
Somebody somewhere has been restricting music continuously for two and a half thousand years. Travel writing from the same world gives us one more thing, and it is the moment this history acquires its first hostile review of a foreign scene. In the early 10th century, an envoy from the caliphate named Ibn Fadlan travelled north on a diplomatic mission and produced a detailed account of the peoples he encountered along the great river routes, including the northern traders operating in the region. His report is one of the most valuable outside sources on that world, covering commerce, hygiene, clothing, ritual and behaviour with the eye of a man who is not enjoying himself and is writing everything down anyway.
119:50
His remarks on their singing are the reason he appears in a music documentary. The description compares the sound they produced to the noise of animals rather than to song, a rumbling, howling, un-melodic sort of racket produced from the throats of large men who were, in his account, extremely pleased with the result.
120:07
Comparable reactions to northern European singing appear in other travellers' accounts of the period, which suggests the impression was widely shared among visitors from the Mediterranean and Middle Eastern world. So the earliest written criticism of the Scandinavian music scene is a Baghdad diplomat noting that it sounded like a kennel and that the performers were extremely confident. Considering how much international enthusiasm certain later Scandinavian genres would generate, specifically for a heavy, growling, aggressively unpretty vocal style, I want to note that he was not wrong about the fundamentals.
120:41
He simply filed his review a thousand years early.
120:44
Now to West Africa, and this section carries more weight for the rest of this story than anything else in the chapter, because everything you personally listen to comes out of it.
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Across the Mandy-speaking regions of West Africa there existed, and still exists, a hereditary professional class of musician-historians.
121:03
They are usually referred to in English as griots, though the local terms differ, and their function has no clean equivalent in the European tradition because it combines several jobs that Europe kept separate. A griot is a musician, a singer, a genealogist, an oral historian, a praise poet, a diplomatic intermediary, and an advisor. The role is inherited within specific families. Training begins in childhood and the position attaches to a family or a lineage across generations. So a particular Griot family serves a particular noble family and has done so for centuries.
121:37
The core of the job is memory. A griot holds the genealogy of the lineage they serve, going back generations, along with the deeds, alliances, marriages, disputes and reputations attached to each name. They are the reason a 13th century empire's founding narrative can be recited today in a form that historians take seriously as a source, because the profession was structured specifically to keep it accurate and to keep it available.
122:04
at public occasions they perform this material praise the living place them in the line of their ancestors and remind everyone present of obligations that were incurred before they were born that is a musician whose real function is institutional memory in a society without state archives and it means the position carried genuine political weight A griot could speak to a ruler in ways nobody else could, because the praise and the history were their property and their responsibility, and a ruler who alienated the person holding the record of his ancestors was making a serious mistake.
122:36
Their instruments are equally specific, the cora, a long-necked harp with a large calabash resonator and strings running over a raised bridge, capable of intricate interlocking patterns. the balafon, a wooden slat xylophone with gored resonators and various plucked lutes with a strong claim to being ancestral to instruments that later appeared in the Americas.
122:58
The other West African contribution is structural and it is the one that quietly rebuilt global music in the 20th century. Polyrhythm meaning several distinct rhythmic patterns of different lengths performed at once, each internally consistent, interlocking with the others so that the composite pattern only exists in the combination and no single player is producing it.
123:19
This requires explaining because it is not the same thing as complicated rhythm. In the European tradition, rhythm is generally organised as a single hierarchy, a main pulse, subdivisions of that pulse and everyone in the ensemble measuring themselves against the same grid.
123:36
In a polyrhythmic system, multiple cycles of different lengths run simultaneously, phasing against each other and coming back into alignment only after several repetitions and the individual player is not thinking about the composite at all. Each performer holds their own line, entering at their own point in the cycle, and the result is a rhythmic texture that is dense, self-renewing and physically compelling in a way that no amount of speed or volume can manufacture.
124:03
That approach to time crossed the Atlantic with the millions of people who were transported there, survived under conditions specifically designed to destroy cultural continuity, and became the rhythmic foundation of essentially every popular genre now consumed on Earth. Blues, jazz, gospel, rhythm and blues, rock, funk, soul, salsa, samba, reggae, hip-hop, house, techno and everything downstream of them are all built on rhythmic principles that came from this part of the world.
124:35
Remember this section, because in nine centuries the whole story converges here and the convergence is the single largest event in the history of music. which leaves the Americas developing in total isolation from all of the above, with no contact, no shared instruments and no shared theory, and arriving at broadly the same set of solutions anyway.
124:55
The instrument families are familiar in outline, flutes in enormous variety, Pan pipes in the Andes built to be played in pairs so that two performers interlock their notes to produce one melody, conch trumpets, whistles, rattles and drums, including the large upright log drums of Mesoamerica.
125:15
Ceramic was used far more than in the old world, which means many of these instruments survive intact in a way that wooden ones do not, and museum collections hold thousands of playable pre-Columbian whistles and flutes. Some of that ceramic engineering is genuinely startling. Certain vessel flutes were built with multiple chambers deliberately tuned close together so that the two tones interfere and produce a rough beating effect rather than a clean note, which is the opposite of what every tuning tradition discussed so far was trying to achieve. The most notorious example is a small Aztec whistle, shaped like a skull, which produces a harsh, tearing, human-sounding shriek rather than a musical pitch.
125:56
They're usually described as death whistles, they turn up in funerary and sacrificial contexts, and modern reproductions are unpleasant enough that people testing them tend to stop after a few seconds.
126:07
Whatever it was for, nobody made that object by accident, and nobody made it to be pleasant.
126:13
In an era where every other culture in this chapter was refining its instruments toward beauty, someone in central Mexico built a device specifically to produce the sound of terror, which makes it arguably the most honest instrument ever constructed. There is also a strong case that Mesoamerican architecture was designed with sound in mind. At the Great Stepped Pyramid at Chichen Itza, a hand clap at the base of the staircase returns an echo with a distinctive descending chirp, closely resembling the call of the sacred Quetzal Bird, an effect produced by the regular spacing of the steps scattering the sound.
126:47
Whether the builders intended it precisely is debated, though the acoustic behaviour of several plazas and ball courts in the region is unusual enough that accident is a strain, and it fits comfortably with the older pattern noted earlier of people choosing places to build partly by how they sound. Which brings us to the summary of this chapter, and it needs stating plainly because the standard version of music history skips it entirely.
127:11
Around the year 1000, if you had wanted to hear the most sophisticated music on the planet, Europe would have been a poor destination. In China, there was a state-administered musical system with a documented theory, standardised pitch tied to the legitimacy of the government, an instrument manufacture at a scale nobody else could approach.
127:30
In India there was a formalised aesthetic theory, a generative melodic system of extraordinary subtlety and rhythmic organisation of a complexity Europe would not attempt for a thousand years.
127:42
In the Islamic world there was the best acoustic science on earth, a thriving professional court culture and the instrument that would eventually become the guitar.
127:51
In West Africa there was a hereditary profession combining music with historical record keeping and an approach to rhythm that would later conquer the entire planet. And in Europe there were monasteries, where men sang single-line melodies without instruments, in Latin, from memory, at a volume best described as considerate, by any measure of theory, technique, instrumentation or organisation. Europe was in last place among the world's major musical cultures, and it was not close. And yet, in one of those monasteries, within a few decades of that year, somebody was about to solve a problem that none of the others had bothered to solve, using nothing but a sheet of parchment and a ruled line.
128:30
It was not the most sophisticated idea in this chapter. It was, by a considerable margin, the most consequential.
128:37
The parchment sheet is unimpressive to look at. A rectangle of stretched animal skin, scraped, chalked and trimmed, with lines of Latin text and, running across it, four horizontal lines ruled with a straight edge. On and between those lines sit small square and diamond-shaped marks. That is the object. No gold, no bronze, no calabash resonator, nothing weighing four and a half tons. It is also the most important artifact in this entire story, and the reason is that everything before it was live. Consider the problem it solved, because it is easy to underestimate from a century in which every sound ever recorded is one search away.
129:15
Until this point, in Europe, a melody existed in exactly one place, the memory of a person who knew it. To acquire a tune you had to be in the physical presence of somebody who already had it and repeat it after them until it stuck. There was no other route, which means every transfer of music was a copy made by hand, from ear to ear, with all the fidelity problems that implies. The institution that felt this most acutely was the church, because its entire liturgy was sung.
129:45
Every service, every hour of the monastic day, every feast in a calendar of hundreds of them, required specific chants attached to specific texts on specific occasions, and the total repertoire ran to thousands of melodies.
129:59
All of it had to be held in the heads of the singers, and a full monastic career of memorisation was reckoned to take about a decade, and it drifted, inevitably, constantly, in every direction.
130:11
The chant for a given feast as sung in one cathedral would differ from the same chant 300 kilometres away, because two centuries of transmission through hundreds of individual memories had gently reshaped it. Local habits accumulated, ornaments were added and forgotten, endings changed, whole phrases went their own way. Nobody was being careless. This is simply what happens to information passing through human beings for 200 years.
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This was intolerable to a specific person, and the person was Charlemagne.
130:43
His project of unifying Western Europe under a single administration included a serious effort to standardise religious practice across the whole territory, and that meant standardising the singing, since a unified church that sounds different in every province is not unified in any way the population can perceive. Late in the 8th century he issued directives requiring the correct Roman chant to be learned and used, and singers were dispatched from Rome to teach it, while local clergy were sent south to learn it properly.
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the results were exactly what you would predict.
131:15
There were disputes about which version was authentic. The Frankish singers accused the Roman teachers of deliberately withholding the true chant. The Roman teachers accused the Franks of being incapable of learning it, and the melody that eventually spread across Europe under the name of Roman chant is now generally understood to be a Frankish reworking of Roman material, which is to say the cover version became the standard edition.
131:38
The Empire achieved liturgical unity by agreeing on something neither party had started with, but the attempt exposed the real bottleneck, which was that the correct version could not be written down. And this is where the earliest European notation appears, in manuscripts from the 9th century onward. Small marks placed above the syllables of the text called neumes. Neumes are memory aids, and the emphasis is on aid, a mark indicating that the voice rises here, a mark indicating that it falls, a mark indicating a group of notes curling up and back down on a single syllable.
132:12
What they do not tell you is the distance. A rising sign means higher, and higher could be a step or a leap, and the sign is identical either way. Nor do they tell you the starting pitch, or the duration of anything, which makes early neumes a set of instructions of a very particular kind, useful only to somebody who already knows the melody.
132:32
They are reminders for a singer who learned the chant by ear years ago and needs prompting through the shape of it, in roughly the same category as a note to yourself that reads, Do not forget the thing about the door, immensely helpful if you were at the meeting, useless if you were not.
132:48
So the situation around the year 1000 is a church with thousands of melodies, a strong institutional need for them to be identical everywhere, a decade of memorization required per singer, and a writing system that only works for people who do not need it.
133:04
Enter a Benedictine monk named Guido of Arezzo, working in Italy in the first decades of the 11th century, whose contribution is one of the highest ratios of impact to equipment in the history of technology. Guido was a teacher of singers, and he approached the problem as a teacher, which is to say from the direction of how much time he was wasting. His solution had several parts and they interlock. First, he took the practice of ruling lines on the page and made it systematic. A set of horizontal lines, evenly spaced, with the notes placed either on a line or in the space between two lines, so that vertical position on the page corresponds directly to pitch.
133:42
Higher on the staff is higher in sound. That single mapping is so intuitive that it now feels like a description of reality rather than an invention, which is the mark of a very good design, and it is why almost nobody can name the man who came up with it. Second, he marked one of the lines with a letter to establish which pitch it represents, so that the whole system has a fixed reference point rather than floating.
134:06
That letter, elaborated over centuries into a decorative squiggle, is the clef sitting at the start of every line of music printed today. It is doing exactly the job it was designed to do a thousand years ago, and it has simply become unrecognizable in the process, like a signature that has been signed too many times. Third, and this is the part that has caused the most suffering to the most children, he needed a way to teach students to sing intervals reliably from sight. So he took a hymn to John the Baptist, a text set to a melody in which each successive line happens to begin one step higher than the last, and he used the first syllable of each line as the name of that step.
134:44
Those syllables were ut, ri, mi, fa, sol, and la, which means the syllables that music students have been chanting for a thousand years are not derived from any theoretical principle, any natural law, or any ancient tradition.
135:00
They are the opening syllables of the lines of a single medieval hymn, chosen because the tune conveniently went up one step at a time.
135:07
Ut was later replaced with do because it is easier to sing on an open vowel and a seventh syllable was added still later from the initials of the hymn's final line. Every scale exercise inflicted on every music student on earth is a fragment of a devotional text about a saint, and the students have no idea they are quoting it. One more piece of Guido's system needs mentioning, because it explains a peculiarity that survives in music teaching to this day.
135:33
His six syllables cover six steps, which is not enough to sing a melody of any real range, so singers were taught to shift from one six-note group to another partway through a phrase, renaming the notes as they went – a manoeuvre known as mutation.
135:48
A single note could therefore have two or three different names depending on which group you were currently operating in, and knowing when to change was a substantial part of a trained singer's competence. It is a slightly Baroque solution to the problem, and it survived in European musical education for something like 600 years, which suggests either that it worked extremely well or that nobody wanted to be the person who redesigned the syllabus. Guido also worked out a teaching aid in which the joints of the left hand were assigned to the notes of the system. so an instructor could point at their own hand to indicate what the choir should sing next, which is a very economical piece of classroom technology and the sort of thing you invent when the alternative is explaining it again.
136:28
His own claim about the results is preserved in a letter and it is a sales pitch that has aged extremely well. He states that a singer trained with these methods can learn to read unfamiliar melodies from the page in a matter of days, work that previously required years, and he notes that this frees up an enormous amount of time. Since the affected parties were monks whose alternative activity was more memorization, the reform was received with enthusiasm and spread across Europe with unusual speed for the 11th century.
136:59
now the part that matters more than any of the mechanics, and it is the reason this chapter exists. Notation is the first storage medium in the history of music, not a reminder, not an aid, an actual recording, in the sense that the information necessary to reconstruct the melody is now held in an object rather than in a person, and the moment that happens music acquires properties it had never had before. It can be copied without the composer present, by a scribe who cannot sing. It can be sent somewhere. A cathedral in one country can write to a monastery in another, request a piece, receive a sheet, and perform music.
137:36
Nobody in the building has ever heard, correctly, on the first attempt. It can be stored indefinitely, outliving every person who knew it, which means a melody written down in one century can be performed in the next by singers with no connection to the tradition that produced it.
137:53
It can be examined at leisure by somebody who is not performing, which is the birth of musical analysis, and it can be edited, revised, corrected, compared with other copies and argued about, which is the birth of the musical text as an authority, Every one of those properties is now taken for granted and every one of them arrives with the ruled line. The relationship between a musician and a piece of paper established in an Italian monastery is structurally identical to the relationship between a musician and a streaming platform. and the intervening thousand years of technology has changed the medium repeatedly without changing the underlying idea even slightly.
138:30
Music became storable, that is the entire chapter, and everything else follows from it mechanically.
138:36
It is worth knowing what one of these objects cost to produce, because the archive was real and the access was not. parchment is skin, prepared by soaking, scraping, stretching on a frame, and rubbing down with chalk and pumice, which is days of skilled work per sheet before anybody writes anything. A large choir book, made deliberately oversized so that a whole choir could read it from a lectern in poor light, consumed the hides of a substantial herd. Then a trained scribe ruled every line, copied every syllable, and drew every note by hand, with a second specialist adding decorated initials in expensive pigment.
139:13
months of labour, an agricultural investment and a luxury craftsman, for one copy of one book that lived chained to one lectern in one building.
139:22
Paper arrived in Europe through Iberia and Italy and became widely available during the 14th century, which dropped the material cost substantially and is one of the quiet reasons the surviving repertoire from that period is so much larger. The scribe, however, was still copying it all out one note at a time. We can also see the awkward middle stage of the technology in an English manuscript from around the year 1000 that contains a large collection of two voice pieces, one of the earliest such collections anywhere. It is a genuinely important document and it is also, in practical terms, unreadable.
139:55
The notation records the shapes without fixing the pitches, so we know there were roughly 150 two-part settings in use in an English cathedral a thousand years ago and we cannot reconstruct with confidence how a single one of them sounded. it is the perfect illustration of what the ruled line actually contributed, sitting right at the boundary, an entire repertoire preserved and lost at the same time. Because here is the immediate consequence, and it took less than a century and a half to arrive at full development. If you can write down one line of music with pitches fixed in vertical space, you can write down two lines, one above the other, and specify exactly what happened simultaneously.
140:35
which means composition ceases to be limited by what one mind can hold and coordinate live. It becomes possible to construct something too complicated to be improvised, work on it slowly, revise it, and then hand it to performers who assemble it.
140:49
Singing more than one part at once was not new.
140:52
There are earlier descriptions of the practice of adding a second voice moving in parallel with the chant, a technique known as organum in theoretical writings from around the year 900, and it was clearly being done as a live skill with simple rules. What notation permits is the industrialization of that idea. The place where it happens is Paris, and specifically the Cathedral of Notre Dame, during the decades when the building itself was under construction.
141:18
Two names survive from the group of musicians associated with it. Leonin, working in the later 12th century, and Periton, active a generation afterwards, and between them they built the first repertoire of written multi-voice music in European history, gathered into a great book of organum for the church year. The technique in Leonin's generation involves holding the notes of an existing chant melody at enormous length in the lowest voice, so slow that the original tune becomes structural rather than audible, while an upper voice moves rapidly above it in elaborate figures.
141:50
The effect is unlike anything before it, a foundation stretched almost beyond recognition, with something intricate and mobile unfolding on top.
141:59
Perrotin's Generation extends this to three and four independent voices, each with its own line, all coordinated. To make that possible, notation had to solve a second problem, which is time. Vertical position had fixed pitch, but nothing yet fixed duration, and you cannot coordinate four independent voices without a shared understanding of how long each note lasts. The Paris musicians worked with a system of rhythmic patterns. and over the following century the profession moved to a fully worked-out method in which the written shape of a note specifies its length, formalised around 1280 in a treatise by Franco of Cologne.
142:35
That is the origin of the modern principle that a note's appearance tells you its duration, and it is the last major component of the notation system to fall into place.
142:44
With pitch and duration both fixed on the page, European music now had something no other tradition possessed, a complete instruction set.
142:53
not a reminder for those who already knew, and not a framework for improvisation, but a specification detailed enough that the composer's intentions could be executed by strangers in another country a century later. The trade-off is real and worth naming. Everything that could not be written down began, slowly, to lose importance, and improvisation in European art music started a long decline toward the point where a modern classical performer is largely a very skilled interpreter of documents.
143:22
Other traditions kept the improvisation and did not get the archive. Europe got the archive. The Church, having enabled all of this, then reacted to it in the way institutions generally react to their own successful projects.
143:36
By the early 14th century, written polyphony had become elaborate enough that critics inside the hierarchy complained the sacred texts were no longer intelligible, buried under decorative parts, chopped up by a technique of splitting a melodic line between two voices in rapid alternation.
143:52
In 1324 or thereabouts, a papal decree was issued restricting these practices in church music, naming the excessive subdivision of notes and the obscuring of the underlying chant, and instructing that the tradition be respected. Our counter of official restrictions advances again, with the notable detail that this is the first time the restriction is aimed not at instruments or scales, but at composers being too clever. The decree did not work, which will become a pattern.
144:20
What actually happened was that the 14th century produced the most rhythmically adventurous music Europe had yet seen, under a label that translates roughly as the new art.
144:30
Composers of this movement, including the poet and administrator Philippe de Vitry, exploited the new precision to write music with independent rhythmic layers, subdivisions of the beat into halves and thirds at will, and long-range structures in which a rhythmic pattern is repeated at a different speed underneath a changing surface.
144:49
Some of the late 14th century work at the extreme end of this fashion is so rhythmically intricate that modern professional ensembles approach it with visible caution. Out of that century comes the first composer in this story whose name attaches to a body of work in the way a modern name does, and that is Guillaume de Machaut. He was a cleric and secretary who served in aristocratic households. He was also one of the most celebrated poets of his time, and his output covers both sacred and secular music across the full range of forms then available. His setting of the mass is generally identified as the earliest complete mass cycle, attributable to a single composer, meaning one person deliberately unified the whole sequence of texts into one artistic conception rather than assembling it from separately composed pieces.
145:34
Michaud also did something that tells you the profession had changed permanently. He supervised the production of manuscripts of his own complete works, organised, arranged and presented as a body of achievement belonging to him.
145:48
That is an author preparing a collected edition. The anonymous monastic composer contributing to a tradition without a signature is not gone, but he is no longer the only model available. From this point forward European music has authors, and the authors know it, and they take an interest in how their catalogue is presented, which is a good moment to insert the figure who does not fit anywhere in the standard narrative and is therefore usually left out of it.
146:13
Hildegard of Bingen, writing in the 12th century, was a Benedictine abbess in the Rhineland who produced theological visions, medical and botanical writing, correspondence with popes and emperors, and a substantial body of music, most of it for the women of her own community. Her surviving musical output is larger than that of any of her identifiable contemporaries of either sex, her melodic style is unusually wide-ranging and difficult, and she also wrote what is generally counted as the earliest surviving morality play with music in which the virtues sing and the one unmusical role is the one that has rejected the harmony.
146:48
A woman running a monastery, composing her own repertoire, writing her own texts, and having them copied and preserved three centuries before the earliest of the printed collections we're about to reach. She's not a footnote. She's simply inconvenient to a story that likes clean lines of progress.
147:05
Outside the church, the same century produced an entirely separate musical world and it is the one everyone thinks they already know. In the south of what is now France, from the late 11th century onward, aristocratic poet-musicians known as troubadours composed and performed, sung poetry in the local language rather than Latin, on secular subjects, above all on an elaborate ideal of love directed at a usually unattainable and usually married noblewoman. Their northern counterparts, the Truvaire, did the same thing in the northern French dialect, and the German equivalent, the Minnesinger, did it in German with rather more emphasis on longing and rather less on jokes.
147:45
Several thousand of these poems survive, and for a substantial number of them the melody survives as well, because notation existed by then and somebody bothered. The social profile of these composers is not what the word minstrel suggests.
147:59
Many troubadours were themselves nobles, including counts and at least one reigning duke, for whom composing songs was a demonstration of refinement in the same way that skill at hunting or verse was. Others were professionals of humbler origin, attached to a court and dependent on patronage. There were also women among them, composing in their own voice about their own experience, and their surviving songs are notably more direct than the men's, presumably because they were not required to pretend to be helplessly worshipping from a distance.
148:31
A third stream came out of the universities. Students and clerics in the growing schools of Europe produced a body of Latin song that is enthusiastically secular, covering drinking, gambling, fortune, spring, the failings of the clergy, and the general condition of being young and broke in a medieval city.
148:48
The largest surviving collection was compiled in a Bavarian monastery in the 13th century, and its contents make it clear that the popular picture of medieval religious life as uniformly solemn is a matter of which documents get quoted in schools. Two smaller items from this period deserve mention, because they show how far the written tradition had spread beyond cathedral walls. The first is a six-voice round preserved in an English manuscript from the middle of the 13th century, celebrating the arrival of summer in the local language, with cuckoos, growing seed and generally cheerful agricultural observations.
149:23
It is a canon, meaning every voice sings the same melody entering at staggered intervals, it works, and it is the earliest surviving piece of six-part music known.
149:33
Somebody in an English abbey wrote down a summer song for a group of friends, in English, and it has outlived the abbey, the language it was written in, and every institution involved. The second is liturgical drama. Across Europe, churches developed sung dramatic scenes performed within or alongside services, portraying biblical episodes with costumes, staging and characters, some of them elaborate enough to require dozens of performers and specially composed music.
150:00
These were not entertainments smuggled in against resistance. They were produced by the institution itself as instruction for congregations who could not read, which makes the medieval church simultaneously the era's principal censor of musical complexity and its principal producer of musical theatre. Institutions are perfectly capable of holding two positions at once, provided the two positions are in different departments.
150:24
The instruments of all this need correcting because popular culture has installed a completely wrong picture.
150:29
The characteristic instruments of the period were the vielle, a bowed string instrument held across the body and played with a curved bow and the lute, whose ancestry has already been covered. Add to those the sultry, the small portative organ hung from a strap and played with one hand while the other pumped, the shawm for outdoor volume, the hurdy-gurdy with its drone and its crank, and a variety of pipes and drums.
150:53
The harp existed and was played, more prominently in some regions than others. What was not standard was a man in a hooded cloak strumming a modern guitar-shaped instrument on a tavern table, because the guitar in anything resembling its familiar form was several centuries away, as established, and because the tavern gig as a business model did not exist in the way the fantasy version imagines.
151:16
The period also sorted its instruments by volume rather than by class, which is a refreshingly practical system after the Greek arrangement described earlier.
151:25
The loud category covered the instruments used outdoors and at ceremonies, the shawms, trumpets, bagpipes and drums, the ones intended to carry across a square or a battlefield. The soft category covered everything for indoor use, the strings, the recorders, the portative organ, the quiet things suited to a room with a ceiling.
151:45
Mixing the two was generally avoided, on the sensible grounds that a shawm in a small chamber makes the harp a theoretical presence. That division between the ensemble you take outside and the ensemble you keep inside has never really gone away, and is the reason a marching band and a string quartet are still, functionally, two different industries. Which brings me to the medieval musician of popular imagination, and the reality is considerably harder.
152:11
The travelling professional entertainer of this period, moving between towns and courts looking for work, occupied one of the least protected positions in medieval society.
152:21
Legal status was poor since the systems of the era were built around belonging somewhere, and a person without a fixed residence, a trade guild, a landlord or a parish had no obvious place in the framework. Churchmen wrote about entertainers with open contempt and periodically excluded them from the sacraments. Town authorities could refuse them entry, expel them, restrict where they performed and set limits on payment.
152:46
When plague or famine or unrest arrived, unattached travellers were exactly the population that got blamed and moved along. So the actual medieval minstrel was a migrant worker, without documents, without legal standing and without any right to be anywhere. whose ability to eat depended entirely on whether the current lord was in a generous mood and whether the local council felt like allowing performances that season, the version in fantasy games in which the musician is a charming social asset with a room at the inn and a receptive crowd is roughly as accurate as the version of the period in which everyone has clean teeth.
153:21
Late in the era, urban musicians did begin organising into guilds and securing town appointments, which improved the situation considerably for the ones lucky enough to be inside the arrangement and left the ones outside it exactly where they had been. And there was one further group with a professional interest in all of this, sitting outside the church entirely. The town.
153:42
As European cities grew, municipal authorities began employing their own musicians on salary, players attached to the city rather than to a lord or a cathedral, whose duties included sounding signals from the tower, marking the hours, announcing arrivals, leading civic processions and performing at official occasions.
154:01
The job came with a uniform, a defined wage, an instrument supplied by the council, and in many places the exclusive right to perform paid work within the city walls, which the holders defended vigorously against exactly the kind of unattached travellers described a moment ago. It is the reappearance of the salaried staff position last seen in a Mesopotamian temple, rebuilt from scratch on a municipal budget, and it is the direct ancestor of every band that has ever been on a city payroll. Then, in 1348, everything stopped.
154:32
The plague arrived through Mediterranean ports and moved across the continent over roughly four years, and the mortality is generally estimated at somewhere between a third and a half of the population of Europe. It is not necessary to describe the medical details to make the musical point, and I am not going to. The effect on music was structural and immediate. Cathedral choirs and monastic communities lost members in numbers that made the liturgy impossible to perform as written, because a chant repertoire designed for a community of forty cannot be sung by eleven.
155:05
Institutional continuity broke in exactly the places where the tradition lived, and since a great deal of practical knowledge still resided in people rather than in books, some of it went with them.
155:16
Instrument makers, teachers and copyists died alongside everyone else, and the networks that moved manuscripts between centres came apart.
155:26
What survives from the following decades is a body of music unlike anything before it.
155:31
Composers of the later 14th century produced matettes and songs of extraordinary complexity and unmistakable darkness, with texts on death, on the collapse of order, on the failure of the powerful to protect anyone, and on the sense that the world was in its final condition.
155:48
The rhythmic sophistication described earlier reaches its most extreme point in this period, and there is a reasonable argument that the intricacy is not decoration, but a way of building something meticulous and controlled at a moment when nothing else was. Michaud himself lived through it and wrote about the experience directly in his poetry.
156:06
The long-term consequences were not all destructive, which is the uncomfortable part.
156:11
The severe shortage of labour that followed raised the value of skilled workers of every kind, weakened the systems that tied people to a place, accelerated the growth of towns, and expanded the class of people with disposable income and social ambition.
156:26
Within two generations, that produced a larger market for private music-making than had ever existed in Europe, and the people in it wanted material to perform at home. The catastrophe that emptied the choir lofts helped create the customer base for the next chapter. So the position at the end of the medieval period is this. Music can be written down completely, in pitch and in time, by anyone trained in a system that spread across a continent. It can be composed for multiple independent voices, in structures no performer could improvise. It has named authors who take responsibility for their work and organise their own collected editions.
157:02
It exists in libraries and can be found, copied and performed centuries after everyone involved in making it has died. Music has stopped being an event that happens and started being an object that exists. Before the ruled line, a piece of music was a thing that occurred in a room and then was over, retrievable only by finding somebody who remembered it. After the ruled line, it is a thing sitting on a shelf, indifferent to whether anybody is currently interested, waiting.
157:30
There is one obstacle left, and it is purely industrial. Every one of those objects is a manuscript, copied out by hand, one at a time, onto prepared animal skin.
157:41
A large choir book consumed the hides of an entire herd and months of a trained scribe's labour, which put a written musical work at a price only a cathedral, a monastery or a prince could consider.
157:53
The archive existed. Almost nobody could own anything from it. Solving that required no new musical ideas at all. It required a Venetian with a printing press and a commercial instinct for what people would pay to play at home.
158:06
The Venetian in question was named Taviano Petrucci and in 1501 he published a collection of around 96 songs under a Latin title that translates as roughly 100 songs of harmonic music.
158:18
It was not the first attempt to print music, but it was the first that looked professional and the first produced in a serious commercial quantity, and Petrucci had secured a privilege from the Venetian authorities giving him exclusive rights to do it, which is the 16th century version of a patent and tells you he expected competition.
158:36
His method was laborious in a way that is almost funny. Each sheet went through the press three separate times, once for the staff lines, once for the notes, and once for the text underneath, with the paper realigned perfectly between each pass. Any drift and the notes sit off their lines, which produces an expensive sheet of nonsense.
158:56
The results are beautiful, and they were slow and costly to make, which is why the real commercial breakthrough came a generation later in Paris, where the printer Pierre Attenion adopted a method in which each piece of type carried a note together with its own fragment of staff line, so that the whole page could be assembled and printed in a single pass.
159:15
Quality dropped slightly. Volume increased enormously. That trade-off has been made by every media industry since without exception. The consequence was the same one that Gutenberg had produced for text, arriving in music about 50 years later.
159:31
A piece of music became a product. Not a service performed for you by employed specialists in a building you had to attend, but an object with a price, printed in identical copies, carried home and used by whoever bought it.
159:45
As already established, notation made music storable. Printing made it purchasable, and the difference between those two things is the difference between a library and a shop.
159:54
The people buying were not professionals. They were merchants, lawyers, officials, minor nobility and their families, the expanded moneyed class described in the previous chapter, and they wanted material they could perform themselves, at home, in the evening, at a level achievable by a competent amateur who has other responsibilities.
160:14
Publishers responded with exactly what you would expect. Songs for three and four voices, arrangements of popular tunes, dance collections and instructional material for the lute, printed in tablature that showed which string to press at which fret rather than requiring the reader to know theory. a system designed for people who wanted results without study, invented approximately 500 years before the internet made the same promise. Within a few decades there were music publishers in Venice, Paris, Antwerp, Nuremberg and London, catalogues running to hundreds of titles and something entirely new in the world, a repertoire that spread by commerce rather than by patronage or institutional order.
160:55
A composer in Flanders could be heard in a private house in Poland because a printer in Antwerp thought the piece would sell, which produced the first composer who was famous in the modern sense, meaning famous to people who had never met him, never worked with him, and had no connection to any court he served.
161:12
Josquin Desprez, active across the later 15th and early 16th centuries, worked in Italian chapels and French courts and wrote masses, motettes and secular songs of a quality that his contemporaries found slightly unreasonable. Martin Luther, who was a serious musician himself and not given to soft compliments, praised him in terms he did not extend to anyone else, observing that other composers do what the notes dictate while this one makes the notes do what he wants.
161:38
Petrucci published three entire volumes devoted to his masses alone, which was an unprecedented commercial commitment to a single living composer. And then the market did what markets do. Josquin's name on a title page sold copies, so his name began appearing on title pages of music he had not written.
161:55
Publishers attached it to pieces by other composers, some of them competent, some of them not, because a set of songs by Josquin moved considerably faster than a set of songs by somebody nobody had heard of.
162:06
Modern scholarship has spent a great deal of energy stripping out the misattributions, and the count of authentic works has shrunk substantially over the last century. There is a remark preserved from a Berlin publisher observing, with professional admiration, that Joskin was producing rather more new material now that he was dead than he ever managed while alive. So the first musical celebrity in history is also the first victim of counterfeit merchandise, and the gap between those two events is essentially zero.
162:36
the industry did not develop fraud as a later complication. It arrived with the packaging.
162:41
While the commercial world was expanding, the institutional one was having a crisis about complexity, and it is the same argument from two centuries earlier with better documentation.
162:52
By the middle of the 16th century, sacred polyphony had reached a level of density where a mass setting might have five or six independent voices, each entering at different moments with different fragments of text, weaving lines of enormous sophistication in which the actual words were, in practice, impossible to follow. Add to this the widespread practice of building sacred works on borrowed secular tunes, including drinking songs and love songs, so that a listener with a good ear could identify the tavern melody underneath the Mass.
163:23
The Council of Trent, meeting in sessions between 1545 and 1563 to sort out the Catholic response to the Reformation, took this up among a very long list of other business.
163:34
The discussions included proposals for serious restriction of polyphonic music in church on the grounds that the sacred text must be intelligible to the congregation and that anything lascivious or impure had no place in the liturgy. Some participants wanted the whole apparatus reduced back to plain single line chant.
163:52
Our restrictions counter advances again, and it is worth noting the pattern. The objection is never to music as such. It is always that this particular music has become too clever, too popular, too foreign or too pleasurable, and that a simpler and more controlled version would be better for everybody. The wording changes every few centuries. The structure of the complaint does not. What the council actually issued in the end was general guidance rather than prohibition, requiring that impure elements be excluded and leaving the details to local bishops, which is how large committees resolve arguments they do not wish to have.
164:27
But the legend that grew around this moment is far better known than the outcome, and it concerns Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, a Roman composer of formidable technical control.
164:38
The story holds that with polyphony on the point of being banned, he composed a mass of such transparency that every word could be heard through six voices, presented it to the relevant cardinals, and single-handedly saved the entire tradition. The evidence for the dramatic version is weak, the mass exists, it is genuinely a masterpiece of clarity, and it was probably written a little before the relevant discussions rather than as a courtroom demonstration.
165:04
The story spread anyway because it is an excellent story and because every profession enjoys a founding myth in which one person walks into a committee and wins the argument with pure craftsmanship.
165:16
Away from the churches, the domestic market produced its own flagship format, and it was the madrigal.
165:22
A madrigal is a setting of a secular poem, usually in Italian, usually for four to six voices without instruments, usually about love, longing, jealousy, or the countryside, and specifically designed to be sung by amateurs sitting around a table with one printed part book each.
165:40
Nobody is performing at anybody. Each singer has their own line and cannot see the others so the whole thing only exists in the middle of the room which requires everybody present to actually pay attention to everybody else. The genre also developed a habit that composers found irresistible in which the music imitates the meaning of the words directly. The line rises when the text mentions ascending. Everything stops on the word for silence.
166:05
A reference to running produces a passage of rapid notes and mentions of sighing produce falling figures with gaps in them. Occasionally this is done with such enthusiasm that the piece stops being a poem set to music and becomes a set of puzzles set to music, which was entirely the point, since the buyers were educated amateurs who enjoyed noticing things.
166:26
England took to it later and with tremendous energy, producing its own school of composers and its own repertoire, and the social convention around it is documented in a way that will feel familiar to anyone who has been handed an instrument at a party. A guidebook of the period describes a guest at a supper being presented with a part book after the meal and being obliged to admit he could not read it, to the visible surprise of the company.
166:50
The ability to hold a line in a domestic ensemble was expected of a well-brought-up person, in the same way that being able to make conversation was expected, which makes the printed madrigal collection the direct ancestor of the evening playlist, with the significant difference that the entertainment required the guests to produce it themselves, and the guests knew this in advance and had practised. All of these strands come together in Mantua in 1607, in a work that closes the Renaissance and opens everything that follows. The composer is Claudio Monteverdi, at that point employed at the court of the Gonzaga family, and the piece is a musical drama on the story of Orpheus, the mythological singer whose playing was said to move stones and stop rivers, which is an unusually appropriate subject for the occasion.
167:35
Musical drama was not brand new. A circle of intellectuals in Florence had spent the preceding decades trying to reconstruct what they believed Greek tragedy had sounded like and had produced sung dramas along those lines, with results that are historically important and, to be honest, a little dry.
167:52
Monteverdi took the format and made it work as theatre. The reason it belongs in this chapter, though, is not the drama. It is the printed score, and specifically the front of it, where the instruments required are listed. The list runs to around 40 instruments and they are not there as a suggestion. Different characters and different situations are assigned different instrumental colours. The underworld gets a dark ensemble with trombones. The pastoral scenes get strings and recorders. Particular moments are marked for particular instruments, and the score indicates who plays what and when, rather than assuming that whichever competent musicians happened to be employed that season would sort it out among themselves.
168:32
That is the birth of orchestration as a compositional decision and it changes the job description permanently. Until this point, an ensemble was a variable resource assembled from whoever was available and the music was written to work regardless. From this point, the specific sound of specific instruments becomes part of what the composer is writing, which means the composer is now designing a sonic object rather than a set of lines that can be realised by any group with the right ranges.
168:59
Every film score, every arrangement, every producer choosing a synthesizer patch for a specific bar is doing what that title page did first. The word itself has a slightly deflating origin. In the Greek theatre discussed earlier, the flat circular area between the audience and the stage, where the chorus sang and moved, was called the orchestra.
169:19
When Italian theatres of this period wanted a term for the space in front of the stage where the players sat, they took the classical word because everything in that century was improved by attaching a Greek name to it. The musicians were named after their floor space, the term stuck, and it eventually migrated from the area to the people standing in it. An entire art form is named after a piece of architecture, chosen mainly because it was shorter than the alternatives. The second turning point in this chapter arrives 30 years later and it is entirely commercial.
169:51
In 1637, in Venice, a theatre called San Cassiano opened its doors to opera on a new basis. Anybody could come in, provided they paid. That sentence deserves more attention than it usually gets. Every musical event described in this story so far has been either a religious ceremony, a civic occasion, a court entertainment for invited guests, or people performing for themselves at home. In each case, access was determined by who you were, and the money came from an institution, a patron, or your own household budget.
170:23
The Venetian model determined access by whether you had bought a ticket and the money came from the audience in advance at the door. Venice was the natural place for it. The city had wealth, a large population of visitors, a well-developed carnival season that filled it with people looking for entertainment, and a merchant class thoroughly comfortable with the idea that a thing which costs money to make should also make money.
170:47
Within a few decades there were several competing opera houses in the city, running seasons, and the entire apparatus of the modern performance industry assembled itself with remarkable speed. Here is what appears within roughly two generations of that door opening. Box office receipts, with different prices for different parts of the house, boxes rented for the season by wealthy families as a social investment.
171:10
A repertoire system, since a theatre that is open every night needs a supply of new works and composers begin turning them out to deadline. Stars, whose names sell tickets and who accordingly negotiate. Fees that rise with fame. Touring, as successful singers move between cities and countries. impresarios who assemble productions and carry the financial risk, publicity, gossip and factions, with rival supporters of rival singers organising themselves into camps and behaving badly in the theatre, and the leading lady, whose title in Italian means simply the first woman, and which acquired its modern connotations for reasons that the surviving correspondence makes entirely understandable.
171:52
The pay structure is worth one line because it has been stable for 400 years, In these companies, the celebrated singers were paid magnificently and the composer who wrote the thing they were singing was paid a flat fee, once, on delivery.
172:06
Talent that the audience can see has always cost more than talent it cannot and nobody has ever queued in the rain to see an arranger.
172:14
one part of that industry does require careful handling and i will keep it short and factual the demand for exceptional voices in this period led to a practice in which boys with promising voices were subjected before adolescence to an irreversible procedure intended to preserve the high vocal range into adulthood combined with the physical development of a grown man.
172:36
The result was a category of singer with power and range that no other training could produce, and for roughly two centuries these performers dominated the operatic stage across Europe, commanding the largest fees in music. The procedure was condemned by the church, prohibited by law in various places, and carried out anyway on a substantial scale, overwhelmingly on children from poor families, on the reasoning that a career on the stage was a route out of poverty.
173:01
Most of them never became stars. The successful ones became the most highly paid performers on the continent, one of them famous enough that a Spanish king retained him personally for years, essentially as a private treatment for melancholy. Everybody involved knew what was happening and the practice continued for as long as the market rewarded it, which is the entire lesson of the episode. An industry that has already learned to counterfeit a dead man's name for profit will not be stopped by a rule about anything else. Which brings us to position number four on the ranking, and it goes to the Mantuan musical drama of 1607.
173:36
Not because it is the best music in this chapter, and I would happily argue that it is not. It is on the list because it sits precisely on the hinge where music stops being something that happens to an audience and becomes something an audience buys. Everything downstream of it, the ticket, the season, the star system, the touring company, the recording contract and the streaming subscription, is a variation on a transaction that this work made thinkable and that a Venetian theatre made routine 30 years later. It is the moment the audience stops being guests and becomes customers, and customers, unlike guests, have opinions they are entitled to express.
174:13
Because that is what the printing press and the box office produce between them, an industry of taste.
174:19
Once thousands of people are buying printed songs and paying at the door, What those people like becomes a commercial fact with consequences, and every composer alive has to decide how much attention to give it. The argument between doing what the public wants and doing what you believe is good, which musicians have been conducting with themselves and with each other ever since, is not a matter of artistic temperament. It is an occupational hazard created by the invention of the paying customer.
174:46
There was, however, one problem that no amount of money could solve, and it was sitting inside the instruments themselves. The audience had been assembled, the business model worked, and the sound was still, in a very specific and increasingly annoying sense, broken.
175:02
The specific breakage is the one flagged several centuries ago in this story, when the perfect intervals refused to close the circle. Here is how that abstract arithmetic turned into a practical crisis for every keyboard player in Europe. On a violin, a trombone or a human voice, you can adjust any note by a tiny amount while playing, so a slightly awkward interval is fixed instantly by the ear and the fingers and nobody notices. On a keyboard you cannot.
175:28
The pitches are fixed when the instrument is tuned and they stay fixed until somebody with a tuning tool comes back. which means the leftover discrepancy has to be put somewhere permanent and the standard solution of the Renaissance was to make the commonly used intervals as pure as possible and dump the entire accumulated error into a few intervals that composers were expected to avoid. It works beautifully, right up until you use the wrong key.
175:53
the favoured keys sound gorgeous better than a modern piano richer and more settled the distant ones sound genuinely unpleasant with one interval so far out that it acquired a nickname referring to a howling animal and organ tuners simply accepted that certain chords were unavailable So a composer of 1600 had perhaps eight or nine usable keys out of 24 and modulating far from home meant sailing off the edge of the map into audible chaos. The solution was to abandon perfection deliberately.
176:23
Instead of keeping some intervals pure and hiding the error in a corner, temperament schemes distribute the error across many intervals, making every one of them slightly impure and none of them unusable. Nothing is perfect anymore, and in exchange everything is available. Various schemes circulated through the 17th and early 18th centuries, some distributing the compromise unevenly, so that different keys retained different characters, and the fully equal division that most instruments use today arrived as the eventual endpoint of that process rather than as a single invention.
176:56
which is why, in 1722, Johann Sebastian Bach assembled a collection of 24 preludes and fugues, one in every major and minor key, working systematically through all of them, and titled it with a reference to good tuning. The point was to demonstrate that with an appropriately tempered instrument every key had become habitable, and to hand the keyboard player a complete tour of the territory. He liked the format enough to produce a second set of 24 about 20 years later. It is, in the most literal sense, a demonstration disc for a new audio standard, made by a man who happened to be one of the greatest composers who ever lived, which is why it is still played constantly three centuries later while every other piece of promotional technical material from 1722 has been forgotten.
177:43
One common modern assumption should be corrected, though. The tuning he had in mind was almost certainly not the fully equal version, but one of the unequal schemes in which each key keeps its own individual flavour. He wanted every key usable. He did not necessarily want them identical. While we are on standards, there is a second one that took considerably longer to settle, and it explains why old music sounds slightly different from what its composers heard.
178:08
The reference pitch, the frequency everybody tunes to, was not standardised in this period at all. It varied by country, by city, by decade and even by building, since a church organ effectively set the pitch for everything performed alongside it, and organs were not retuned lightly.
178:25
Singers in one town were working a semitone or more away from singers in another, and instrument makers built to local expectations. The reference was fixed internationally at 440 cycles per second only in 1939, at a conference convened for the purpose, which means the humble tuning fork standard is younger than commercial radio. Baroque performance today generally uses a lower reference around 415, roughly a semitone down, on the reasonable grounds that it is closer to what the music was written for. Early music sounds darker than modern ears expect not because the composers were gloomy but because the whole system has drifted upward over two centuries largely because higher pitch sounds brighter and every orchestra wanted to be the brilliant one.
179:09
Now the instruments because this period produced the two objects that the following three centuries were built around.
179:15
The first came out of Florence around 1700, from a keyboard technician named Bartolomeo Cristofori, employed to look after the instrument collection of the Medici family.
179:26
The problem he attacked is inherent in the harpschord. Its strings are plucked by a small quill, and a plucked string sounds at essentially the same volume, however hard the key is pressed, because the quill either plucks or it does not. The instrument therefore has no dynamics. You can add or remove ranks of strings, and beyond that a harpsichord plays at one loudness, permanently. His solution replaced the plucking mechanism with a small hammer that strikes the string and immediately falls away, leaving it ringing, plus a damper that stops the note when the key is released.
179:59
because a hammer is thrown rather than pushed. The force of the strike depends on how fast the key goes down, so the player's finger now controls the volume of every individual note. He called it a harpsichord with soft and loud, which is a functional description rather than a name, and the second half of that phrase is what the instrument is called today.
180:19
By any technical measure this was one of the great inventions in the history of music, and the response was close to silence. Christoffery built perhaps twenty of them. Three survive, and for around four decades the thing was treated as an interesting Italian curiosity. The mechanism was complicated, the tone was thinner than a good harpsichord, and the touch was heavy.
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Bach tried early examples and was unimpressed, objecting that the action was stiff and the upper register weak, which is precisely the review you would expect from a man with formidable technique testing a prototype.
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He was reportedly far more enthusiastic about later instruments from a German builder who had improved the design, and he even acted as a sales agent for them, which makes one of the greatest musicians of the century an early adopter who complained about version 1 and then bought version 2, like everybody else.
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The second object is a violin and the argument about it has now run for 300 years without resolution. Antonio Stradivari worked in Cremona in a craft tradition already established there by earlier families and across a career of roughly 70 years he produced something in the region of 1,100 instruments, of which about 650 survive. They sell for millions, they are given names like racehorses and the question of what makes them exceptional has generated an entire scientific literature. The candidate explanations are all plausible and none is conclusive.
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The varnish, analysed repeatedly and found to be broadly similar to what neighbouring makers used.
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The wood, grown during the cool decades of the period sometimes called the Little Ice Age, producing slow, dense growth rings, which is a lovely theory except that his competitors bought from the same forests. The geometry of the arching and the thickness graduation, which is measurable and which he adjusted continuously throughout his life. Chemical treatments applied against woodworm, which may have altered the acoustic properties by accident.
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And then the least romantic explanation, which is that these are superb instruments by an outstanding craftsman at the peak of a great local tradition, that three centuries of playing have matured them and that the remaining margin is reputation.
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Blind listening tests in recent decades, with skilled soloists and expert audiences, have repeatedly failed to show a clear preference for the old Italian instruments over fine modern ones, and in several trials the modern instruments won. The results are disputed with tremendous passion, by people whose professional lives depend on the answer, which is exactly what you would expect, and I offer no verdict beyond noting that the sound of a violin includes whatever the listener has been told about it. Now to the two composers who define the period commercially, because their careers ran in opposite directions and the contrast is the entire economic lesson.
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Antonio Vivaldi was a priest by training, red-haired enough that the nickname followed him permanently, and for much of his career he was employed at a Venetian institution caring for abandoned and orphaned girls.
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That institution ran a music programme of extraordinary quality, and its all-female ensembles became one of the sights of the city, performing for visitors and dignitaries, in some cases from screened galleries above the congregation.
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Vivaldi wrote an enormous quantity of music for those players, which is why so many of his concertos assume serious technical ability, and it means a substantial share of the most famous instrumental music of the era was composed for a teenage orchestra of orphans who are almost never mentioned when it is performed. His best-known work appeared in print in 1725 within a larger set of concertos, and it did something nobody had attempted at that level of ambition. Each of the four concertos depicting the seasons is published alongside a sonnet describing the scene and the score is annotated to show which passage matches which line.
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This figure is a bird, this passage is ice underfoot, this is a barking dog, this is a thunderstorm, this drowsy section is a sleeping shepherd.
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The listener is handed the text and told exactly what they're hearing. That is a concept album with printed liner notes, issued in 1725, and it's sold across Europe. His ending is why our poverty counter moves. Fashion shifted, Venetian audiences turned toward newer styles, and his position weakened.
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He left for Vienna, apparently hoping for imperial patronage, and the emperor died shortly after his arrival, which removed the entire purpose of the journey. He died there in 1741 in obscurity, and was buried in a modest grave after a minimal funeral, in a city where his music had recently been the height of fashion.
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His work then disappeared for nearly two centuries, surviving in manuscripts that were not properly reassembled until the 20th.
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The counter of composers who died with empty pockets now stands at two and unlike the previous entry, this one is not a joke I invented.
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It is the man who wrote the most instantly recognisable four minutes in the entire classical repertoire.
185:16
George Friedrich Handel demonstrates the opposite trajectory and the difference is almost entirely about where he chose to work.
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Born in Germany in the same year as Barr, trained in Italy, he moved to London and stayed, becoming a naturalised British subject and building a career in the one European capital where a composer could operate as an independent businessman rather than a court employee. He ran opera companies, which meant hiring star singers at ruinous expense, competing with rival companies doing the same, managing the factional warfare of the London audience and absorbing the losses personally.
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it went badly more than once his response was a strategic pivot anyone in business would recognize he moved into oratorio which used similar forces without staging costumes or the most expensive category of singer could be performed in seasons when staged entertainment was restricted and was sung in english which the audience actually understood The Great Example was composed in 1741 in about three and a half weeks and premiered in Dublin in 1742 as a charity performance, with proceeds going to local causes including the relief of prisoners.
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Anyone wanting a sense of the critical climate in that precise year need only remember the opinion quoted at the very beginning of this video. The work established itself gradually rather than instantly, became the fixed point of the British choral calendar and has been sung by amateur choirs somewhere in the English-speaking world in almost every week since.
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He also wrote a set of anthems for a coronation in 1727 and one of them has been performed at every British coronation from that day to this, which makes it one of the longest-running commissions in existence. Its opening, with the slowly rising string figure that builds tension before the choir arrives, was reworked in the early 1990s into the anthem of a European football competition. So a piece of ceremonial music from the reign of George II is now heard by hundreds of millions of people a year, most of whom associate it with a stadium rather than a cathedral.
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Handel would have had no objection at all. He was a professional. He died wealthy, left a substantial estate, and was buried in Westminster Abbey after a large public funeral, which is worth setting directly beside the fate of the Venetian, since the two were contemporaries of comparable gifts. The difference was not talent. One of them worked in a city with a paying public and made himself the owner of the business. The other stayed an employee of institutions whose priorities changed, Which brings us to the economic condition of the whole period and it needs stating plainly because it is the constraint everything above was operating under.
187:53
A composer in the first half of the 18th century was, in the overwhelming majority of cases, a salaried employee of a court, a church, or a municipality. The post came with duties that had nothing to do with inspiration, supplying new music for specified occasions on a fixed calendar, training and disciplining the choir boys, maintaining instruments, copying out parts, and being available for whatever the employer wanted next. Bach's own working life is the clearest illustration. In Leipzig he was responsible for the music of the principal churches, which meant producing a new cantata for essentially every Sunday and feast day across a period of years, teaching Latin to schoolboys as part of the package, negotiating with a town council that regarded him as an expensive necessity, and being appointed only after the council's preferred candidates had declined, a fact recorded in the minutes in terms that flatter nobody.
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The greatest musical mind of the century was somebody's third choice, hired reluctantly and periodically in dispute with his employers about duties and money, and the music belonged to the employer. Work produced in the course of the job was the property of the institution that paid for it. The fee was fixed regardless of how successful the piece turned out to be, and if a work became popular in another country, the composer received precisely nothing.
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editions produced by publishers who had simply obtained a copy generated income for the publisher alone there was no mechanism by which continued use of a piece of music produced continued payment to its author because no such mechanism had been invented for anything The first crack came from the book trade. In 1710 the British Parliament passed the legislation generally treated as the first modern copyright law, granting authors a limited term of exclusive rights over their printed works. It was written with books in mind, and whether music counted was left comfortably vague, which suited publishers who preferred not to raise the question.
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It was settled in London in 1777. Johann Christian Bach, youngest surviving son of the Leipzig employee described above, had built a successful independent career in the city as a composer and concert promoter, and he took a publisher to court over unauthorized printing of his music. The judgment held that printed music fell within the meaning of the statute, meaning a composition on paper was an authored work like any book.
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That decision is the legal foundation of every music royalty that has ever been paid, Performance rights organisations, mechanical royalties, licensing for film and advertising, the fractions of a penny generated when a song is streamed, all of it descends from a court accepting that a page of notes is a work rather than a commodity. It arrived roughly two and a half centuries ago and it took a member of the most famous musical family in Europe to establish it, which tells you how enthusiastic the industry was about the idea. So the position at the midpoint of the 18th century is remarkable and worth taking stock of because everything necessary has now been assembled.
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There is a keyboard instrument capable of dynamic shading under the fingers. There is a tuning approach that makes all 24 keys available. There are string instruments of a quality nobody has convincingly surpassed. There is a public that buys tickets, a publishing trade that sells printed music into private houses, a repertoire circulating across borders, an orchestra with defined sections, and at last a legal concept of ownership attached to a composition.
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The entire apparatus is in place. One component is missing and it is not technical, financial or legal. Nobody has yet worked out that the person on the stage can become more famous than the music and nobody has the faintest idea what happens when a very large number of people decide, all at once, that they are in love with a musician. The object that marks the change is a printed sheet pasted to a wall and the only thing you need to notice about it is the layout.
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At the top, in the largest type available to the printer, is the name of the person who will be playing.
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Somewhere further down, in modest lettering, are the works to be performed, occasionally without a composer credited at all, because the audience was not buying the music, they were buying the man.
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That reversal is the whole subject of this chapter. Everything necessary for an industry had been built by 1750. What arrived afterwards was the discovery that the industry could be organized around individual human beings, and that a sufficiently magnetic performer could generate a level of public feeling that nobody had planned for and nobody knew how to manage. It does not begin with a star, though. It begins with an employee and one who spent three decades in a job that would have destroyed most people's ambition. Joseph Haydn was engaged in 1761 by the Esterhazy family, one of the wealthiest noble houses in the Habsburg lands, and he remained in their service for almost 30 years.
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The terms of that employment were, by modern standards, extraordinary.
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He was required to appear in uniform, to present himself daily for instructions regarding the evening's music, to compose whatever was wanted for whatever occasion arose, to maintain the instruments in the music library, to rehearse and discipline the players, and to settle their disputes personally rather than troubling his employer with them. His compositions belonged to the Prince. He was not to give copies to anyone else without permission.
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He was, in short, a senior household officer with a specialism in music, ranked somewhere in the vicinity of the head steward, and he wore a coat that said so.
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And out of this arrangement came the standard architecture of European instrumental music. Haydn produced over 100 symphonies, more than 60 string quartets, and a mountain of other work. and because he was writing continuously for a permanent ensemble of high quality with a demanding employer and a fixed schedule, he was able to do something no freelancer could have done, experiment repeatedly, hear the results immediately and refine. The results are the templates, the four-movement symphony with its fast opening, slow second movement, dance-based third and energetic finale.
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The string quartet is a conversation between four equal instruments rather than a melody with accompaniment.
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above all the internal logic of a movement in which two contrasting ideas are presented, taken apart, developed through unstable territory, and then returned home in a way that feels earned rather than arranged. That structural principle governed serious instrumental composition for the next century and a half, and it is still the default framework taught to anyone studying how this music works.
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Which means Haydn's actual historical role is that of a man who wrote the specification document, Everybody afterwards, including the two enormous figures in the rest of this chapter, was working inside a design he had established and both of them knew it perfectly well and said so. He also possessed the best sense of humour in the history of the profession and used it on his employer.
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In 1772 the Prince had extended a stay at his summer palace considerably beyond the point at which the musicians expected to go home to their families who were not permitted to accompany them. Complaining directly was not an option available to a court ensemble, so Haydn wrote a symphony with an unusual ending. In the final movement the music gradually thins out and one by one each player finishes their part, snuffs out the candle on their music stand and walks off the stage. The violas go, the cellos go, the winds go.
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Eventually only two violins remain, playing a quiet fragment, and then they leave two and the stage is empty and dark.
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The prince, who was not a stupid man, understood the message, and the court departed for home shortly afterwards. That is the most elegant piece of workplace negotiation ever conducted. No confrontation, no petition, no risk of dismissal, and a result delivered within days.
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It also happens to be a genuinely beautiful piece of music, which is the part that makes it unbeatable, because the employer could hardly object to a masterpiece. Every musician who has ever wanted to raise something with management should study the technique, and every manager should note that the request was granted because the alternative was looking petty in front of a room full of guests.
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The final act of Haydn's career is the one that connects him to the coming era.
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After his prince died and the household ensemble was reduced, an impresario named Johann Peter Salomon persuaded him to travel to London, where a public concert business of a scale unavailable in Vienna was waiting. He went twice in the 1790s, wrote his last twelve symphonies for those concerts, was received as a celebrity, was awarded an honorary doctorate at Oxford, and earned in a single London season a sum comparable to years of his court salary.
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A man in his sixties, after three decades in livery, discovered that the general public would pay more for his music than a prince ever had. He came home wealthy, bought a house and spent his final years as an internationally famous private citizen rather than as anybody's employee.
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The lesson was not lost on the generation behind him. That generation opens with the most exhaustively mythologized figure in the history of music and the difficulty in discussing him is that almost everything the average person knows arrived through a film script.
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Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart was, without any exaggeration, one of the most extraordinary child musicians ever documented. By the age of five he was composing, by six he was performing for royalty. And this is where his father Leopold enters the story, a competent composer and violinist himself, who correctly identified what he had and organised his life around it. The family tours were extensive, lasting years at a stretch, covering Munich, Vienna, Paris, London, the Low Countries, and repeated visits to Italy, with the boy and his older sister Nannel, herself a formidable keyboard player.
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performing for aristocratic audiences across the continent.
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The presentation was not entirely dignified. Alongside genuine musical performance, there were demonstrations designed to astonish, playing with the keyboard covered by a cloth, identifying any note struck anywhere in the room, improvising on a theme supplied by a member of the audience, and sight-reading material presented to him cold.
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His age was occasionally understated in advertising, which is a small thing and also an extremely modern thing, so the childhood was a touring exhibition and the exhibit was a person. Whether it was good for him is a question the family did not seriously consider, on the reasonable grounds that the alternative was provincial obscurity, and it did work. He acquired an education in every important musical style in Europe by hearing all of them in person before he was fifteen, which no conservatory could have provided.
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The adult problem was that the prodigy grew up into a market that had no obvious position for him. He took employment in Salzburg under the archbishop in a post that involved routine duties, limited resources and a superior who regarded him as staff. He hated it.
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The correspondence is not subtle. He complained about the quality of the musicians available, the restrictions on travel, the requirement to eat with the servants and the general impossibility of doing anything ambitious.
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In 1781 the relationship failed permanently. He was in Vienna, he did not want to return, and the resulting confrontation ended with his dismissal from the archbishop's service, in circumstances that his own account describes as involving a physical component administered by a senior official at the door. Historians debate the exact choreography. Nobody debates the outcome, at which point Mozart did something almost nobody in his profession had attempted. He stayed in Vienna and worked for himself. His actual business model is worth laying out, because it is the direct ancestor of a modern independent musician's income, and it is far more sophisticated than the tragic genius version suggests.
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He organised subscription concerts, in which he took a venue, announced a series, sold tickets in advance to a list of subscribers, performed his own new works as soloist, and kept the proceeds after expenses. He taught private students at high rates, which was steady money and which he resented. He sold compositions to publishers. He accepted commissions. He performed at the private gatherings of wealthy patrons. And he eventually secured a modest court appointment, which paid a small salary for very little work.
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In the mid-1780s this operation was extremely successful. He was one of the highest-earning musicians in Vienna, living in a good apartment in a central district, employing servants, keeping a horse, and sending his son to be cared for at considerable expense.
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Estimates put his income in his best years at several times what a comfortable professional household required. The problem was never earnings. The problem was that expenditure kept pace and occasionally exceeded it, and that the income was violently unstable in the way freelance income always is.
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A war with the Ottoman Empire pulled the aristocracy's attention, and money away from concert subscriptions in the later 1780s, exactly the audience his business depended on. His wife's serious illnesses required expensive treatment at a spa. He borrowed from friends repeatedly, with letters that make uncomfortable reading, and he was, by every account including his own, not a careful manager of money in the good years. He died in December 1791, aged 35, after an illness that has generated a century of retrospective diagnosis without a firm answer, and which was almost certainly an ordinary infectious disease of the kind that killed a substantial share of the population of every European city.
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Now the burial, because this is the single most persistent falsehood in classical music, and it is worth dismantling carefully, The standard story holds that the greatest composer of his age was thrown into an anonymous pauper's pit, unmourned in the rain, abandoned by a city that had forgotten him. It is a magnificent piece of narrative. It is also, in its essentials, wrong. Vienna at that time was operating under burial regulations introduced by the Emperor Joseph II, a ruler with a passion for administrative rationality that occasionally overwhelmed his sense of what people would tolerate.
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The reforms aimed to make burial hygienic, cheap and efficient, and they mandated exactly the sort of arrangement Mozart received. A simple service, a communal grave shared by several people, no permanent marker, and the plot reused after a decade or so.
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This was not the disposal of the destitute. It was the standard, legally encouraged treatment for ordinary Viennese citizens, and the great majority of the city's population received the same thing.
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Mozart had a funeral service at the cathedral, attended by colleagues and friends. The burial fee was paid at the normal middle rank rather than the pauper rate. His widow was in poor health and did not attend the interment, which was standard practice and was not regarded as neglect. The reason the grave was later untraceable is that the plots were designed to be reused and unmarked, which applied to nearly everyone. So the truthful version is considerably less dramatic and considerably more interesting. A successful, overextended freelance composer died young of a common illness and received the ordinary funeral of an ordinary citizen under a bureaucratic reform intended to be egalitarian.
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Our poverty counter does not move for him, and I want that stated clearly because the myth has been doing tremendous work for two centuries in support of the idea that great artists are supposed to be destitute. While we are dismantling the poisoning story goes too, Antonio Salieri was a successful, respected and considerably more securely employed composer who was, by the evidence, a professional rival with some influence at court and no involvement whatsoever in Mozart's death. He taught a remarkable list of students, including two of the largest names in the following generation.
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The rumour attached itself to him in his old age, was amplified through a play and later a very good film and has now comprehensively destroyed his posthumous reputation for reasons that have nothing to do with anything he did.
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If there is a lesson, it is that being a competent professional in the vicinity of a genius is a permanent career risk, which brings us to the man who broke the employment model permanently and did it while losing the one sense his profession requires.
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Ludwig van Beethoven arrived in Vienna in his early twenties to study with Haydn, an arrangement that was professionally impeccable and personally awkward, since the pupil found the teacher insufficiently rigorous and the teacher found the pupil difficult.
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He established himself first as a pianist and the accounts of his playing emphasise power and improvisation rather than polish. Vienna at the time enjoyed competitive improvisation contests between keyboard players, in which two performers would take turns elaborating on themes in front of an audience of aristocrats, and he won these convincingly enough that certain rivals declined to appear against him. His financial arrangement was the genuinely revolutionary part.
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Rather than taking a post in a household, he assembled a portfolio, income from publishers who competed for his works, from dedications purchased by wealthy admirers, from concerts he organized himself, and from teaching he mostly disliked.
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Then, in 1809, three aristocratic patrons signed an agreement to pay him a substantial annual sum for life, with a single condition, which was that he remain in Vienna rather than accept an offer elsewhere. Read that condition again. They were not commissioning works. They were not employing him. They were paying him to continue existing in their city and to compose whatever he wished. That is a retainer paid to an artist for the privilege of having him nearby, and it is the moment the relationship between musician and patron inverts. He was not staff.
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He was an asset the city was afraid of losing.
205:33
The hearing loss began in his late twenties. It started as tinnitus and difficulty with quiet speech, progressed over years, and eventually became close to total, and for a performing pianist and composer in a world without amplification, the professional implications were catastrophic. He concealed it as long as he could, avoided conversation in company because he could not follow it, and acquired a reputation for rudeness that was partly a symptom.
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In 1802, staying in a village outside Vienna on medical advice, he wrote a document addressed to his brothers that was never sent and was found among his papers after his death. It describes the humiliation of a musician who cannot hear, the isolation of pretending otherwise, his despair at a future in which the condition would only worsen, and his conclusion that he could not leave the world until he had produced the work he felt was in him. It is one of the most affecting documents any artist has left, and it was written by a man of thirty-one at the point where his career should have been ending.
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What followed instead was the most productive and consequential period of his life.
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The symphonies that redefined the scale and ambition of orchestral music, the late piano sonatas, the string quartets that musicians still describe as the outer limit of the form, all of it composed by somebody who could not hear a note of it performed. He worked at the keyboard with his ear against the wood, sawed the legs off an instrument to feel the vibration through the floor, and eventually communicated with visitors through notebooks in which they wrote their side of the conversation. Several hundred of those notebooks survive, and they are a strange and moving archive, one half of hundreds of conversations, with the composer's replies missing because he said them aloud.
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The premiere of the Ninth Symphony took place in Vienna on 7th May, 1824.
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He had not presented a major new work in the city for years. The piece was enormous, unprecedented in shape, and included a choral finale on a poem about joy and universal brotherhood, which no symphony had ever attempted.
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The orchestra and singers found it extremely difficult. He stood on the platform indicating tempos and gesturing the character of the music, while the actual direction was handled by the appointed conductor, who had quietly instructed everyone to ignore the composer and watch him instead.
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When the final movement ended the hall erupted, and he continued facing the orchestra, still turning pages, entirely unaware because he could not hear any of it.
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One of the soloists, a young contralto named Caroline Unger, stepped forward, took him by the sleeve and turned him around so that he could see what was happening, an audience on its feet, applauding a piece of music that existed only inside his head. That is not an anecdote invented for a documentary. It is reported by people who were present, and it is the single most powerful image in the history of this art form. His funeral in 1827 drew a crowd estimated in the tens of thousands, with schools closed and the military called out to manage the streets, for a man who held no office and no title, whose entire claim on the city was that he had written music there.
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Nothing on that scale had ever happened for a composer. It was the moment the profession acquired a new social category, not servant, not craftsman, but a figure whose death was a public event. which is a good moment for the ranking, and position number three goes to that ninth symphony. I am aware that the choral finale has already appeared on this list at number five, for entirely different reasons, and I would like to state that this is not an error. The last movement earned its place as a political object, the tune every regime on earth has tried to borrow.
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The symphony as a whole earns this one for a simpler reason. It is the only major work in the repertoire composed in complete silence by a man who never heard a single performance of it, including the one where the audience was standing up in front of him.
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Now to the machine that made the 19th century possible because none of what follows works without it.
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By the middle of the century, the piano had become a piece of household equipment in the same category as good furniture, and the reasons are industrial.
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Manufacturing changed the instrument from a hand-built luxury into a factory product. Iron frames cast in one piece allowed far higher string tension and therefore greater volume and stability. felt covered hammers replaced leather, the range expanded, and firms in England, France, Germany and the United States began producing them in quantities that would have been unimaginable a century earlier. Prices fell, instalment purchase arrangements appeared, upright designs put the whole apparatus against a wall in a modest room.
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The result was that a respectable household was expected to have one, and the reasons were only partly musical.
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A piano in the parlour advertised income, taste and the education of the family's daughters, since keyboard competence was one of the accomplishments a young woman of the middle classes was expected to acquire and to demonstrate to visitors. It was also, in a period before any form of recorded or broadcast sound, the only way to have music in the house at all.
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If nobody in the family could play, the family sat in silence. That single fact created the largest music market that had ever existed, and it was a market for paper.
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Publishers sold sheet music in enormous quantities, simplified arrangements of opera melodies, dances, sentimental songs, marches, transcriptions of orchestral works for two hands and for four, instructional methods and technical exercises. A popular tune reached the public through the Sipala piano, which means the 19th century hit was not a recording or a performance, but a printed arrangement that people bought and played themselves.
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Around that market grew an entire service industry – piano teachers in every town, tuners, method book authors, examination systems and eventually the conservatory as a formal institution training professionals.
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The romantic image of the era is the virtuoso in the concert hall. The economic reality is several million amateurs at home working through exercises with varying enthusiasm and their parents paying for lessons, into which walked a composer who understood exactly what those exercises were and turned them into art in a way that has been quietly tormenting pianists ever since.
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Frédéric Chopin left Poland in 1830, shortly before an uprising that made returning impossible, and settled in Paris, where he built an unusual career. He disliked large halls, performed publicly only a few dozen times in his life, and made his living principally from teaching wealthy students and from publishing, negotiating with houses in three countries simultaneously to secure separate payments in each. His playing was described as quiet, subtle and lost in a large room, which suited the salon and not the concert circuit.
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Almost everything he wrote is for the piano alone, and the works that concern us here are the studies. Formally, each of them isolates a technical problem exactly as a teaching exercise does. Rapid arpeggios spanning wide intervals, thirds played at speed, octaves, independence of the weak fingers, a left-hand pattern requiring the stretch of someone with generous anatomy. In that sense they are functional material of the kind the market was consuming by the ton. In practice they are complete works of art in which the technical problem is the expressive substance and they are extremely difficult.
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Not difficult in the sense of requiring practice, which everything is, but difficult in the sense that a competent amateur reading one for the first time will discover in about eight bars that they have been kidding themselves. Every pianist alive has a complicated relationship with these pieces, and the standard description of them is that they are exercises, which is technically accurate and among the great understatements in music.
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He died in Paris in 1849 at the age of 39, after years of deteriorating lung disease that had shaped his working life, restricted his touring, and reduced his physical strength to the point where playing had become an effort of will.
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He was buried after a large funeral in the city, with the arrangements paid for by a wealthy Scottish student and admirer, which is a detail that says a great deal about how a composer of this era actually stayed afloat, which leaves the phenomenon this chapter was named for, and it arrives in two stages, with two performers who between them invented modern celebrity roughly 130 years before anyone had the vocabulary for it.
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The first is Niccolò Paganini, a violinist from Genoa who toured Europe in the 1820s and 1830s and produced a reaction that had no precedent.
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His technical command was, by every surviving account beyond anything audiences had encountered, left-hand pizzicato while bowing, extended passages in harmonics, rapid leaps across the entire range with unnerving accuracy, and a party trick in which he would perform an entire elaborate piece after deliberately breaking down to a single string.
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He wrote his own material specifically to display these abilities and sensibly refused to publish most of it during his lifetime so that nobody else could learn it. His appearance did the rest of the work. He was extremely thin, pale, dressed in black, with long limbs and an unusual flexibility in the joints of his hands, and he performed with an intensity that audiences found disturbing rather than pleasant.
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Modern medical opinion suggests a connective tissue condition that would explain both the flexibility and the frailty, and which turned an accident of anatomy into a professional advantage. and Europe concluded that he had made an arrangement with the devil.
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This was not a metaphor circulated by critics. It was a widespread popular belief, expressed in newspapers, discussed in respectable company, and taken seriously enough that audience members reported watching for a shadowy assistant standing beside him. His mother's reported dream about her son's future gifts was repeated as evidence. The story of a supposed period of imprisonment for a violent crime, during which he allegedly had nothing to do but practice, circulated widely and was entirely false, and he eventually published a denial, which as usual made no difference at all.
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Paganini's response to all this was that of a professional. He did not fight the rumour with any real energy, he dressed the part, he arrived in each city preceded by stories, and he became one of the wealthiest performers in Europe. He also, less famously, lost an enormous amount of that money on a failed casino venture in Paris, which is a fittingly modern ending for the first musician to be marketed as dangerous. The second stage is Franz Liszt, And this is where the audience behaviour becomes genuinely difficult to distinguish from the 20th century.
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Liszt heard Paganini perform in Paris in 1832 and decided to become the equivalent on the piano, which he achieved through a period of ferocious retraining. What followed, across the 1840s, was a touring career of a scale nobody had attempted – over a thousand public appearances in less than a decade, across the whole of Europe from Portugal to Russia, in an era of carriages and unreliable roads. He also invented the format. Before him, a concert was a mixed programme with an orchestra, several soloists, singers and an assortment of pieces, and a single performer carrying an entire evening alone was considered arrogant to the point of absurdity.
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He did it anyway, called it a recital, played from memory rather than from the printed page, which was equally shocking, and arranged the platform so that the instrument was turned sideways to the audience, allowing the room to see his profile, his hands and the full theatre of his playing.
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Every solo recital since has used his layout, including the ones given by people who would be appalled to be told they are following a showman's staging instructions. The reaction was hysteria in the literal sense. Audiences, particularly but not exclusively women, screamed and wept. People fainted and were carried out. Admirers fought over his gloves when he dropped them, collected his discarded cigar ends, and in at least one documented case obtained a broken piano string and had it made into a bracelet. he would receive things thrown onto the platform and was mobbed in the streets outside venues.
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In 1844, the poet and critic Heinrich Heiner, watching all this in Paris with a raised eyebrow and a deadline, coined a word for it, combining the pianist's name with the standard medical term of the period for uncontrolled collective excitement. Listomania was intended as a diagnosis and a joke at the same time, and it stuck so thoroughly that it survives as the standard label for the phenomenon. which means the first fan frenzy in history was named by a sarcastic journalist within its own decade. Two further things about Liszt deserve saying, because the caricature is unfair.
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He was an outstanding teacher who charged his students nothing at all, on principle, for the last decades of his life, and he gave away staggering sums, funding disaster relief, hospitals, music schools, and personally covering a large share of the cost of a monument to Beethoven when the public subscription for it stalled embarrassingly.
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The most successful performer of the century was also its largest musical philanthropist, which does not fit the story anybody wants to tell and is nonetheless what happened.
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The parlour piano and the touring virtuoso together produced one further thing that this chapter should record, which is the modern audience. Concert going acquired its rituals in this period. Programme settled into something like a fixed shape. Applause between movements, entirely normal in the 18th century, began to be discouraged as reverence toward the work took hold. The conductor emerged as a distinct profession with a baton and authority over interpretation, rather than merely beating time from a keyboard or a violin. and critically, orchestras started playing the music of dead composers as a matter of course.
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That last shift is easy to miss, and it changed everything. Until roughly this point, concert music was overwhelmingly new music, and works dropped out of circulation when fashion moved. Then in 1829 a young Felix Mendelssohn organized a performance in Berlin of a large sacred work by Bach, unheard for decades, and its success helped launch a revival that eventually restored the whole earlier repertoire to public performance.
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Within a couple of generations the concert hall had a permanent canon, a body of older works performed repeatedly, studied, revered and expected.
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Music acquired a past that it played on purpose and living composers acquired competition from the deceased, which is a competitive disadvantage nobody had faced before. Which brings us, unavoidably, to the women of this era, because the previous few pages have been a procession of men and that is not an accident of talent. Clara Schumann was one of the leading pianists of the nineteenth century by any measure. She began performing publicly as a child under the direction of her father, who was a formidable teacher and an even more formidable manager, and she sustained a touring career for around sixty years, which is longer than most careers in any field.
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She played across Europe, appeared with the major orchestras, and was among the performers who established the practice of playing from memory and of building programs around serious repertoire rather than crowd-pleasing display. She was also a composer and a good one, and she largely stopped. Her own written remarks on the subject are painful to read, an observation that a woman must not wish to compose, since none has yet succeeded, and that she should not expect to be the exception. After her husband Robert's illness and death she supported their large family through performing and teaching, edited and promoted his works, championed the music of the young Johannes Brahms, and put her own composition aside almost entirely.
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The century got an outstanding pianist and an indispensable advocate, and lost a composer, and the trade was not voluntary in any meaningful sense.
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Fanny Mendelson, older sister of Felix, received the same exceptional education as her brother and by several contemporary accounts was his equal at the keyboard.
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Her family's position was explicit. Music could be an ornament for her and a profession for him. Her father wrote to her in those terms directly. She composed several hundred works, ran an ambitious series of Sunday musical gatherings at the family home that became a significant fixture of Berlin musical life and published almost nothing for most of her life. A number of her songs did reach print under her brother's name and collections issued as his.
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There is a much-repeated story that when Queen Victoria received Felix and told him which of his songs was her favourite, he was obliged to admit that his sister had written it.
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Late in her life Fanny began publishing under her own name at last, with her brother's eventual if reluctant support, and she died suddenly in 1847 at the age of 41, a few months before he did.
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So the situation of the 19th century is that women could perform brilliantly, teach, host, edit, advocate and support, and could compose only against continuous structural resistance.
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Recall the Egyptian temple establishment discussed much earlier, with its formal musical offices held by women in significant numbers.
222:35
Four thousand years later, in the most musically sophisticated society yet built, a gifted composer was publishing under her brother's name. Progress in this story has never travelled in a straight line, which is where this chapter ends, with the profession transformed. In roughly seventy years, music went from a craft practiced by uniformed employees under aristocratic contract to a public spectacle organized around named individuals who could fill halls in cities they had never visited, whose funerals stopped traffic, whose gloves were fought over, and whose printed work sat on pianos in hundreds of thousands of ordinary homes.
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The audience had discovered that it could feel something enormous about a person it had never met. That capacity, once discovered, does not go away, and it does not stay confined to concerts. Because a public that can be brought to tears by a pianist can be brought to other things by other music. and the next century figured that out with remarkable speed. From here, music stops being primarily something people consume for pleasure and becomes something people are given for a purpose, to make them feel like a nation, to move them toward a cause, to accompany an army, and to sell them a product.
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The artefact is a page of orchestral score with an instruction written into the percussion line requesting artillery.
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Not imitation artillery, not a large drum struck firmly, not a machine built to sound like guns. Cannon, fired outdoors, on a cue, in time with the music. Somebody wrote that on a piece of manuscript paper and expected it to be taken seriously, and it was, which tells you almost everything about the century we're entering. It opens in Strasbourg in April 1792. France has just declared war, the city is a garrison town near the frontier, and at a dinner the local mayor remarks that the troops need a proper song to march to, since what they currently have is not inspiring anybody.
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An army engineer and amateur musician at the table, Claude-Joseph Rouget de Lille, went home and produced words and music overnight, and the piece was performed within days under a title referring to the Army of the Rhine. It then did what almost nothing in this story has done. It spread on its own, without a publisher, a patron, or an institution behind it.
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Printed copies travelled, and the song was picked up by a volunteer battalion from Marseille, marching north to the capital, who sang it the entire way and arrived with it. parishions who had not heard it before attached the name of the men who brought it three years later it was adopted as the national anthem of the french republic consider the timeline a song written in one evening by a serving officer with no significant musical reputation became, within three years, the official sonic identity of a major European state, and it is still that today.
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Nothing before this had ever demonstrated so plainly that a tune could carry a political idea faster than any pamphlet into people who could not read in a form they would repeat voluntarily and remember permanently.
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The authorities noticed as well, which is why the song's own history is a small museum of official anxiety. It was suppressed under Napoleon, who preferred material that pointed toward himself, restricted again under the restored monarchy, and reinstated as the anthem in 1879 once the Republic was secure enough to want it back.
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Our counter of official restrictions ticks upward with a new entry type. For the first time, the thing being banned is not a scale, an instrument or an excess of counterpoint. It is a specific song, banned because of what it makes people do, which is the discovery that organizes the entire 19th century.
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Music had always been understood to move people, as covered at length in the ancient section of this story. What was new was the systematic use of that fact by movements, governments and individuals with defined objectives in a period when Europe was rearranging itself into nations and everybody needed a way to make an idea feel like an inheritance. The mechanism they used was folk music and the logic runs as follows. If you want to argue that your people constitute a real nation with a right to exist, rather than a province of somebody else's empire, you need evidence that this people has a distinct character, a shared history and a soul of its own.
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Language is one proof, costume and custom help, and music conveniently is a proof that can be demonstrated in a concert hall to an audience that includes foreign diplomats. So composers across the continent went looking, and the search produced an entire era of music built on regional material. In the Czech lands, Bedžić Smetana wrote a cycle of symphonic poems depicting the landscape and legends of Bohemia, including a piece that follows a river from two small streams through forests, past a village wedding and a moonlit night, into a broad and confident flow through the capital.
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It functions as a musical map of a country that did not exist as a state at the time, and it is still the piece that opens the National Music Festival every year.
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Antonín de Vozhak built an international career on the same foundations, exporting dances based on Czech forms to publishers in Germany who sold them across Europe and then took the argument abroad.
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invited to New York in the 1890s to run a conservatory. He told American composers, in print and repeatedly, that they were wasting their time imitating Germany when they were surrounded by the music of black Americans and native communities and that a national musical identity would have to be built from what was already in the country. The advice was not universally welcomed at the time and turned out to be correct within 30 years.
228:06
In Norway, Edvard Grieg did something similar for a nation newly conscious of itself, collecting and absorbing traditional material into concert works, including incidental music for a play about a wandering scoundrel, which produced two of the most recognizable orchestral pieces ever written, both of which are now used mainly to sell things on television.
228:26
Russia produced the most entertaining version of the movement because its leading nationalists were, in the main, not professional musicians at all. The group known as the Mighty Handful was assembled around Mili Balakirev and included a career army officer, a naval officer, a chemistry professor of genuine distinction who composed on his days off, and a civil servant in the Ministry of Forests. They were opposed to what they saw as the imported German conservatory tradition. They wanted a Russian music built on folk song, church chant and the rhythms of the language, and their technical training was in several cases assembled on the job.
229:01
That amateur status is the joke and also the point. The professor of chemistry produced an opera he never finished and a body of orchestral music of extraordinary quality while running a laboratory and campaigning to open medical education to women. The forestry official wrote a set of piano pieces depicting an imaginary walk around an art exhibition, which somebody else later orchestrated into one of the most performed works in the repertoire. Nobody in this group was living the life described in the previous chapter, with the touring and the fainting.
229:32
They were writing nationally significant music in the evenings after work, which is a model of artistic production that essentially nobody talks about and that a great deal of music has always been made under.
229:42
Meanwhile, in Finland, Jean Sibelius wrote a short orchestral piece for a press event held in defiance of restrictions imposed by the Russian imperial authorities, and it became so effective a symbol of national feeling that performances of it under its own title were restricted, with the result that it toured the country under a series of deliberately boring alternative names, including one that referred to it as a happy occasion.
230:06
A government forced a piece of instrumental music with no words at all to change its name in order to be performed. The counter moves again and it is worth pausing on the absurdity of a state being frightened of a title page. Italy generated the most direct fusion of music and political movement in the century and it centred on one composer. Giuseppe Verdi worked in the most commercially demanding musical culture in Europe. an opera industry with dozens of houses, a hungry public and a system in which composers produced works to contract on tight schedules.
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Italy at the time was a collection of states, several under Austrian control, and the authorities in each maintained censors who reviewed libretti for anything politically inconvenient.
230:48
The censors gave Verdi a great deal of trouble. Plots involving the assassination of monarchs, corrupt courts or rebellious subjects had to be relocated, renamed or defanged before they could be staged.
231:00
One work about a king's murder was moved out of Europe entirely to colonial Boston in order to satisfy the authorities in Naples, which is a solution of such transparent silliness that everyone involved must have known it changed nothing. The most famous connection between his music and the independence movement is a chorus from an early opera sung by an exiled people longing for a homeland they can see only in memory.
231:24
Audiences understood it as being about themselves, and it became an unofficial anthem of the movement for unification. There is a persistent legend that this was recognised instantly at the premiere and demanded as an encore, and modern historians think the association grew over the following years rather than arriving fully formed. Either way, by the 1850s his name had become a nationalist slogan through a coincidence of letters, since the composer's surname could be read as an acronym for a slogan supporting the king who was expected to unify the country. Writing that name on a wall was a declaration of loyalty to the state and also merely enthusiasm for opera.
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and the authorities could not do a great deal about either. That is possibly the most elegant piece of political messaging in the history of this art form, a protest slogan that is simultaneously the name of the most popular composer in the country, deniable by everyone using it.
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Verdi himself served briefly in the First National Parliament, was ambivalent about the whole business and mainly wanted to be left alone on his farm, which he treated as his actual profession for long stretches.
232:28
The 19th century also built the orchestra into the machine we recognise today and this is a good moment to explain how because the scale of everything in this chapter depends on it.
232:38
Instrument technology changed fundamentally. Brass instruments acquired valves in the early decades of the century which meant a trumpet or horn could play every note of the scale in every key instead of being restricted to the natural harmonics of one tube length.
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Overnight, brass sections stopped being limited to fanfares and sustained notes and became fully melodic. Woodwind mechanisms were redesigned with systems of keys and rings that made previously awkward passages routine.
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And a Belgian instrument maker named Adolphe Sax, who spent much of his career in litigation with competitors, Patented in the 1840s a family of conical brass instruments played with a single reed designed specifically to bridge the gap between woodwind and brass in military bands. He also nearly went bankrupt several times and his invention would go on to define the sound of a genre that appeared 60 years after his patent and would have baffled him completely.
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Composers responded to the expanded palette by demanding more of everything. Hector Berlioz, in Paris, wrote a symphony in 1830 with an explicit narrative programme, a recurring theme representing a woman that mutates as the story darkens, an offstage instrument, and a finale of grotesque comedy involving bells and a plenchant melody about the Day of Judgment played on brass. He then wrote the first serious textbook on orchestration, which taught the next several generations how to think about instrumental colour as a compositional material, and he conducted enormous forces whenever he could persuade anybody to fund them.
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The concert orchestra roughly doubled in size across the century, halls were built larger to accommodate the sound and the audience, and the whole apparatus became capable of a volume and range of colour that would have been physically impossible a hundred years earlier. which is the necessary background for a man who decided that all of this was still not enough.
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Richard Wagner is the most consequential and the most uncomfortable figure in this chapter, and both parts of that need saying. His central project was a cycle of four operas based on Germanic and Norse mythology, telling a single continuous story about a ring, a curse, gods, dwarves, heroes, and the eventual destruction of the entire order. He wrote both the words and the music, he worked on it for around 26 years, and the complete cycle runs to roughly 15 hours of music across four evenings.
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It is, by a wide margin, the largest single work of art in the Western musical tradition, and undertaking it required a level of self-belief that is difficult to describe in neutral language. He also concluded that no existing theatre was adequate for it, and so he built one.
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The festival house at Bayreuth opened in 1876 with the first complete performance of the cycle, financed through subscription societies, a great deal of debt, and above all through the patronage of the young King of Bavaria, whose enthusiasm for the composer was so extreme that his ministers regarded it as a political problem, and here is where Wagner turns out to have invented something everybody now takes for granted. The theatre he designed abandoned the standard arrangement of tiered boxes, in which the wealthy sat where they could be seen, and the room remained lit throughout, because that arrangement is designed for a social occasion.
235:51
Instead, he built a fan-shaped auditorium with every seat facing the stage, no boxes for display, and crucially he sank the orchestra into a covered pit beneath and partly under the stage, so that the players are invisible and the sound emerges blended from below rather than striking the audience directly. Then he darkened the hall during the performance. That combination, a dark room, a lit stage, an invisible source of music and an audience that has been placed in rows and told to be quiet, is the standard viewing condition of the cinema, invented for opera two decades before film existed.
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The modern habit of sitting in silence in the dark and being absorbed into a story is not an ancient practice. It was designed deliberately by a man who wanted total control over the attention of everyone in the building. His compositional contribution is equally durable and it is the leitmotif The principle is simple to state. Assign a short, distinctive musical idea to a character, an object, an emotion or a concept, and then use it throughout the work not as a label, but as a living element, transforming it as the drama develops.
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The theme for a hero can appear inverted when he is defeated, harmonised darkly when he is deceived, fragmented when he is dying.
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Two motifs can be combined when two ideas connect. A motif can appear in the orchestra when a character is thinking about something they do not mention, which lets the music tell the audience things the text does not.
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Every one of those techniques is now standard practice in film scoring and the lineage is direct rather than coincidental. The composers who created the sound of Hollywood in the 1930s were trained in the Central European tradition and they applied Wagnerian method to a new medium. a theme for the hero, a theme for the villain, a love theme, a theme for the place – all of them developed and recombined as the story moves. When a familiar phrase arrives in a minor key to tell you that something has gone wrong, that is 19th century opera technique operating in a multiplex.
237:51
The same principle, compressed to a few seconds, is what makes a brand's sound logo work in advertising. The uncomfortable part cannot be omitted and should not be padded.
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Wagner published anti-Semitic writing, including an essay attacking the influence of Jewish musicians on European culture, which he issued initially under a pseudonym and later republished under his own name with additional material.
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This was not a private prejudice discovered in his correspondence after the fact. It was a public position he chose to argue in print. Decades after his death, his work and his family's festival became closely associated with the German regime of the 1930s and 1940s which used him extensively for its own purposes.
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The result is a composer whose influence on the sound of the modern world is enormous and whose views are indefensible, and the honest response is to hold both facts at once rather than resolving the tension in either direction.
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Performers, audiences and entire countries have made different decisions about how to handle this and those decisions are theirs to make.
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What is not available is pretending the writings do not exist or pretending the music is not extraordinary.
239:01
Both moves have been tried extensively and neither survives contact with the evidence, which brings us back to the artillery and to a work whose composer thought it was rubbish. In 1880, Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky was commissioned to write a piece for the consecration of a large new cathedral in Moscow, built to commemorate the failure of the French invasion of 1812. The occasion was official, the deadline was firm and the brief was essentially ceremonial. He produced an overture that dramatizes the campaign in the most direct way available. A Russian church melody opens it.
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The French anthem discussed at the start of this chapter appears as the invading force growing in confidence and is progressively overwhelmed by Russian material until it collapses. The finale piles on a hymn associated with the Tsar, full peals of bells and, written into the score, sixteen cannon shots. The plan was for outdoor performance in a large square, with the artillery fired electrically on cue and the bells of the cathedral ringing, which is a piece of event engineering rather than a concert. That original spectacular staging did not come off as intended, but the piece established itself immediately and has spent the century and a half since as the standard climax of large outdoor musical events, particularly in the United States where it is now permanently attached to a national holiday it has nothing to do with.
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The composer's own opinion is documented and is not flattering. He described the work in his correspondence as loud and noisy, said he had written it without warmth or love, and did not consider it to have any artistic value worth defending.
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He was at the time writing some of the most sophisticated orchestral music of the century, and this is the piece that made his name a household word in countries that have never performed his symphonies.
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There is a lesson in that which recurs constantly in the rest of this story. The work an artist regards as a professional obligation and the work the public seizes on are frequently not the same work and the artist does not get a vote.
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Two smaller institutions were assembled in this period and both are still running the business today. The first is the national anthem as a formal category. Before this century, states had ceremonial music, royal salutes and traditional tunes, but the idea that every country requires one designated song, performed at fixed moments, at which everybody present stands and stops talking, was standardised during these decades along with flags, borders and the rest of the national kit. Some countries adopted existing tunes, some commissioned them, and several took considerably longer to make it official than you would expect.
241:32
The anthem of the United States was in widespread patriotic use for over a century before legislation formally designated it in 1931. The result is a global protocol in which a piece of music functions as a legal symbol of a state, which is roughly the outcome that a certain Athenian philosopher proposed and was mocked for.
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The second is the collection of performance royalties, and its origin is gloriously petty.
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In Paris in 1847, three composers dining in a fashionable café noticed that the establishment's musicians were playing their works while the establishment charged for dinner, and concluded that if they were expected to pay for the meal, the café could pay for the music. They refused the bill, went to court, and won.
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Out of that dispute came the first organization for collecting performance rights on behalf of composers, founded in 1851, and out of that came the entire international apparatus of societies that today monitor where music is played and distribute payments accordingly.
242:29
Earlier in this story a court accepted that printed notes were an authored work. This is the moment the profession established that hearing music in a commercial venue was a use somebody owed money for, and the whole thing started with three men declining to settle a restaurant bill. The military side of the century deserves its own section, because while the concert halls were arguing about national identity, an enormous amount of the music actually being heard by ordinary people was being played by men in uniform in a public park.
242:57
Military bands expanded dramatically in this period for the same technological reasons that expanded the orchestra and they became the principal source of live music for the general population in a way that is easy to forget.
243:10
They played at ceremonies and parades but they also gave regular free concerts in public spaces and their repertoire was not limited to marches. They played operatic selections, dances, popular songs and arrangements of concert works which means that for a large share of the population in Europe and North America The standard experience of orchestral music was hearing a transcription of it, played by a wind band in a bandstand on a Sunday afternoon. Britain developed a parallel tradition in the brass band movement, built around factories, mines and towns rather than regiments, with fiercely competitive contests, salaried conductors and standards of playing that professional musicians took seriously.
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That entire culture was funded by industrial employers and sustained by working people who rehearsed after shifts, and it produced one of the most genuinely popular art music traditions of the era.
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The dominant figure of the band world was John Philip Sousa, who directed the United States Marine Band before founding his own civilian ensemble and touring it internationally for decades. He wrote more than 130 marches, several of which are so thoroughly embedded in American public life that they function as unofficial anthems, and he built the band into a commercial touring operation of a kind that had not existed before, with a star soloist system, arranged programs and a recognizable brand.
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The reason he belongs in this chapter, though, is what he did in 1906. The recording industry was in its early commercial phase, and Sousa published an article and testified before a congressional committee arguing forcefully against it.
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His term for recorded music was canned music, and his case was not about copyright fees, although he was also very interested in those. His argument was cultural, that mechanical reproduction would destroy amateur music-making, that families would stop gathering around instruments because a machine could supply the sound with no effort, that the enormous population of amateur players would dwindle, and that a nation which stops making its own music would lose something it could not recover.
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He predicted the disappearance of the parlour piano culture described earlier, and the emergence of a generation that consumed music without ever producing any. He was right. Comprehensively, in detail, and about a century ahead of the argument being repeated for every subsequent technology. The domestic market that supported hundreds of thousands of teachers and sold sheet music by the millions of copies did in fact collapse over the following decades, and the ordinary relationship between a person and music did shift from participation to reception, exactly as he described.
245:43
He was also, from a business standpoint, entirely on the wrong side of history, since his own band recorded extensively, and those recordings did a great deal to spread his music.
245:53
The man who campaigned against canned music is one of the most recorded artists of the early phonograph era, which is either hypocrisy or professionalism depending on how generous you feel, and I lean toward professionalism, since he was the one paying the players.
246:07
Which brings us to the evening this chapter has been building toward, and it is the moment when the audience finally fought back. The date is the 29th of May, 1913. The venue is a brand new theatre on the Avenue Montaigne in Paris, built with modern materials and an expensive reputation. The occasion is a ballet performance by the Russian company that had spent the previous few seasons making itself the most fashionable thing in Europe. run by the impresario Sergei Diaghilev, who had already commissioned two successful ballets from a young Russian composer named Igor Stravinsky.
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The new work depicted an imagined pagan ritual in prehistoric Russia, culminating in a sacrificial dance.
246:47
The choreography was by Václav Nijinsky, and it was as deliberately confrontational as the score. Dancers turned inward with their feet pointed the wrong way, bodies held in flat angular postures, movements that were heavy, repetitive and stamping, and every principle of classical ballet technique visibly discarded. The music does two things that had never been done in a major theatre. First, the rhythm. Instead of a regular pulse in a stable metre, the score changes time signature constantly, sometimes every bar, and drives heavy accents into places the ear is not expecting, so the listener cannot settle into a groove and is instead permanently off balance.
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Second, the harmony.
247:28
Chords are stacked on top of other unrelated chords, producing sustained dissonance that is not passing through to a resolution but is simply the material itself, hammered repeatedly in blocks. The result is music that sounds wrong on purpose, which had never been the intention of anything presented to a paying audience of this kind before. Wrongness had always been a temporary condition to be resolved. Here it was the point.
247:52
The audience reaction began early and escalated. There was laughter during the opening bassoon solo, played high in a strained register, that some listeners found comical. Then came shouting, whistling, arguments between supporters and objectors, and a level of noise that made the music partially inaudible to the dancers, so that Nijinsky stood in the wings shouting counts at the stage while the conductor kept the orchestra going. There was scuffling in the seats. Police attended. Objects were reportedly thrown. Stravinsky left his seat and spent much of the performance backstage in a state that his own account describes as fury.
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Now, the necessary correction, because this event has been retold so often that it has grown. The evening was not a full riot with the theatre-rect, the performance was completed rather than abandoned, and the uproar was in part a fight between rival factions of the fashionable public rather than a spontaneous outbreak of musical outrage.
248:45
Contemporary reviews are mixed rather than uniformly hostile, and it is quite likely that the choreography, which was genuinely shocking to an audience with fixed expectations of ballet, provoked at least as much of the reaction as the score did.
249:00
But the essential fact stands, and it is the reason this belongs at the end of the chapter.
249:05
A paying audience in the most sophisticated city in Europe was confronted with a piece of music built on deliberate dissonance and unpredictable rhythm, and a substantial part of that audience treated it as an attack requiring a response. The following year the score was performed as a concert piece without dancers and was received with enthusiasm, and its composer was carried through the streets by admirers, which suggests the ears adjusted rather quickly once the visual provocation was removed.
249:32
That adjustment is the pattern for the entire century that follows. Something arrives that sounds wrong. A portion of the public reacts as though it constitutes a threat to civilization, and within a decade or two it has become normal, sometimes to the point of being used in advertising.
249:47
This will happen again with recorded dance music, with amplified guitars, with electronic instruments and with drum machines, and the reaction will be almost identical each time, allowing for changes in vocabulary. So the accounting for the 19th century looks like this.
250:04
Music began the period as an entertainment sold to a paying audience and a domestic pastime for the middle classes. It ended the period as a state symbol, a nationalist argument, a military communication and morale system, a total artwork requiring purpose-built architecture, a spectacle requiring artillery, and a stimulus capable of causing a public disturbance in a good part of town. Our counter of official restrictions has moved decisively into the modern era, and the character of the entries has changed.
250:33
Earlier prohibitions were aimed at scales, instruments, complexity and the intelligibility of sacred words. The 19th century entries are aimed at specific songs, specific titles and specific plots, because governments had worked out that the danger was not in the material but in what a population might do while singing it. That is the version of the restriction we will be dealing with for the rest of this story, and it is about to get considerably busier. The poverty counter, meanwhile, remains where it was and it is worth noting why.
251:04
This was the first century in which a substantial number of composers made real money because the combination of publishing, public concerts, copyright and an expanding middle-class market meant a successful career could pay well.
251:17
the economic vulnerability had not gone away. It had simply moved to the people playing rather than the people writing. And all of it, every anthem, every festival theatre, every bandstand concert and every riot, depended on one unchanged condition that had held since the first flute made from a wing bone. To hear music, a human being had to produce it in front of you, at that moment, in that room.
251:42
Every arrangement in this entire history, the temple payroll, the printed part book, the opera box office, the touring virtuoso and the parlour piano, exists because sound was inseparable from the person making it.
251:54
That condition was about to end in a workshop in New Jersey with a cylinder covered in tin foil.
252:00
The cylinder is about the size of a small drinking glass, made of wax over a cardboard core with a fine spiral groove cut into its outer surface.
252:09
Earlier versions used tin foil wrapped around a metal drum, which worked exactly once and then crumpled. Either way the object is the first thing in the history of this planet that contains sound. Not a description of sound, not instructions for producing it. The sound itself, physically present in the shape of a groove, retrievable by anybody with the machine, in the absence of the person who made it.
252:33
Thomas Edison built the first working version in his New Jersey workshop in 1877 and the story of the first recording is well known. He recited a nursery rhyme about a lamb into the horn, cranked the cylinder back and heard his own voice return to him.
252:49
The workshop was reportedly unnerved. Nothing in human experience had prepared anyone for a machine that spoke. What is less well known is what he thought it was for, and this is the part worth dwelling on.
253:01
Edison published a list of anticipated applications for his invention, and the top of that list was office dictation. letters spoken by a businessman and typed up later by a clerk. Also on the list were talking books for the blind, teaching elocution, preserving the last words of family members, announcing the time from a clock and adding a voice to toys.
253:21
Music appeared on the list, somewhere in the middle, as a minor possibility. He had invented the recording industry and filed it under office equipment. In fairness, he then spent a considerable number of years defending that view while the market went in the other direction because inventors are frequently the last people to understand what they have done.
253:40
The device that actually built the industry came a decade later from a German immigrant to the United States named Emil Berliner who patented a system using a flat disc rather than a cylinder. Sound quality on the early discs was not better. In several respects it was worse. But a disc could be used as a master to press identical copies in quantity from a stamper, which meant duplication was a manufacturing process rather than a recording session repeated over and over.
254:06
That is the whole competition, decided on economics rather than fidelity. Cylinders had to be recorded in batches, with performers playing the same piece repeatedly into banks of horns, to produce a few dozen copies at a time. Discs could be stamped by the thousand from a single performance, stacked flat, shipped efficiently and stored in a shelf.
254:28
Within roughly two decades, the cylinder was finished commercially, which establishes the first law of recorded music and it holds without exception for the next 130 years. The format that wins is the one that is easiest to distribute, not the one that sounds best. Every subsequent battle in this story, including the ones involving tape, compact discs and compressed audio files, resolves the same way and audio engineers have been quietly furious about it since the day Berliner filed his patent.
254:56
The disc then did something nobody intended, which was to redesign music itself. A 10-inch disc turning at approximately 78 revolutions per minute holds a little over three minutes of audio. That number is not a musical decision. It is a consequence of groove spacing, disc diameter and rotational speed arrived at through manufacturing compromise. But it became the container into which all commercially recorded music had to fit, and performers adapted immediately, cutting verses, dropping repeats, shortening introductions and arranging pieces to arrive somewhere satisfying before the needle ran out of room.
255:32
Within a generation, three minutes stopped being a limitation and became an aesthetic. Composers and arrangers began writing to that length by instinct. Radio programmers built schedules around it. And it is why, in an era when a song can be any length at all and the physical constraint vanished decades ago, the standard popular song is still approximately three minutes long. We are all still obeying a piece of industrial hardware from the 1890s and almost nobody knows it. The early recording process itself deserves a paragraph because it shaped the sound of everything made before the mid-1920s.
256:07
There were no microphones and no electricity involved. The performers played and sang directly into a large horn and the sound waves physically drove a diaphragm connected to a cutting needle. Everything therefore depended on being loud in the direction of the horn. The consequences were absurd. Banjos recorded better than guitars, so early recordings are full of banjos regardless of what the music actually used. Tubus replaced double basses because a bass could not move enough air. Drum kits were largely excluded since a bass drum would knock the cutting needle out of the groove, leaving percussionists with wood blocks and cymbals played gently, which is not what anyone wanted.
256:44
Singers were physically moved toward and away from the horn during a take by an assistant, because there was no other way to control balance, meaning the earliest vocal dynamics in recorded history were performed by a man pushing the singer. This is also why the first genuine recording star was an opera tenor. Enrico Caruso had precisely the kind of voice that survived the process, powerful enough to drive the diaphragm and rich enough that the crude reproduction still conveyed something. His recordings, sold in unprecedented numbers, made him internationally famous and did the crucial work of persuading the middle-class public that a talking machine was not merely a novelty for fairgrounds but a respectable piece of furniture.
257:24
He also became, by a considerable margin, the highest paid musician of his era, on the basis of a technology he had nothing to do with inventing. Everything changed again in the mid-1920s, with the arrival of electrical recording. Microphones, amplifiers and electrically driven cutting heads replaced the horn, and the improvement was not incremental. Suddenly the frequency range widened dramatically, ensembles could be balanced properly, drums were possible, and most importantly a quiet sound could be captured. That last point produced the single largest change in singing since the invention of opera.
257:58
Before the microphone, a professional singer's fundamental job requirement was volume because they had to fill a room over an ensemble using nothing but their own body. Every technique of classical vocal training exists to solve that problem. The microphone removed the problem entirely and in doing so created a completely new instrument. the intimate voice, sung barely above conversational level, with breath, sighs, small cracks and conversational phrasing all audible. The performers who understood this first, the crooners of the late 1920s and 1930s, sound to modern ears like the beginning of normal singing, which is exactly what they are.
258:37
Older musicians and critics regarded the style as effeminate, cheating and not really singing at all, on the grounds that a machine was doing the work.
258:45
That objection has been raised against every technology that helps a voice reach an audience and it has never once been persuasive. While the record was establishing itself as an object you buy, a second machine arrived that gave music away for nothing.
258:59
Commercial broadcasting began in earnest in 1920, with the station KDKAA in Pittsburgh transmitting election results and then settling into regular programming, and the growth over the following decade was explosive. Receivers went from hobbyist equipment to household furniture, networks formed, programming schedules were built, and an enormous portion of the content was music because music is cheap to broadcast, fills time reliably and does not require a script. The economics of this were entirely new.
259:30
A record has to be bought by each listener. A broadcast reaches everybody within range simultaneously at no additional cost per person, and the audience pays nothing. That combination made music ambient in a way it had never been in human history. Available in the home continuously, without effort, without a performer present, and without anybody in the household possessing the slightest musical ability.
259:54
The casualty was live employment, exactly as predicted at the end of the previous chapter. Restaurants, hotels, dance halls and cafes that had employed small ensembles began to discover that a radio set or a record player delivered acceptable music at a fraction of the cost and never asked for a raise. The arrival of sound film finished the job for one particular group, the theatre musicians who had accompanied silent pictures, of whom there were tens of thousands, and whose entire profession disappeared within about three years.
260:25
The musicians organised and fought back, which is a chapter of this story that rarely gets told. The American Federation of Musicians campaigned against what it called the mechanisation of music, and in 1942 its president James Petrillo took the most dramatic step available. He instructed union members to stop making commercial recordings altogether until the record companies agreed to pay into a fund supporting live musicians. The ban lasted over a year with some companies, and it is why a portion of the early 1940s exists as a whole in recorded history, with singers continuing to record accompanied by vocal groups because voices were not covered by the instrumentalists' union.
261:03
It is the only strike in history in which the strikers withheld an entire art form from the public, and it partly worked in the sense that the payments were agreed. It did nothing whatsoever to slow the underlying change, and one unintended consequence was that vocalists became the centre of popular music, while the bands behind them were silent, which was not the outcome the instrumentalists were hoping for.
261:25
Now to the music that these machines carried, because the most important thing to happen in the 20th century was already assembling itself in the American South, and it is the convergence promised much earlier in this story. The ingredients were several. There were the field hollers and work songs of the rural South, carrying the West African approach to rhythm and to the flexible bending of pitch described in an earlier chapter.
261:48
There were the spirituals of black churches, with their call and response structure and their communal improvisation. There was the blues, taking shape in the Mississippi Delta and elsewhere in the decades around 1900, built on a small number of chords, a 12-bar frame and a vocal tradition of notes that sit deliberately between the fixed pitches of the European keyboard. There was Ragtime, a written piano style with a steady left hand and a syncopated right, which was the first black American music to become a national commercial product through sheet music sales, and which made Scott Joplin briefly famous and then let him die without seeing his opera staged.
262:24
and there were the Brass Bands of New Orleans, a city with a unique history of Caribbean, French, Spanish and African cultural mixing, where bands played for parades, funerals, picnics and dances, and where a great deal of surplus military instrumentation was available and cheap.
262:41
What emerged from that combination in the first two decades of the century was jazz, and its defining characteristic changed the terms of the entire art form. In jazz, the written arrangement is a starting position rather than the work itself. The performance is the composition, generated in the moment by players who are simultaneously interpreting, decorating, arguing and constructing over a harmonic framework everybody has agreed on in advance. If that sounds structurally familiar, it should. It is the same relationship between rules and real-time generation described in the Indian section of this story, arrived at independently on the other side of the planet using an entirely different musical language.
263:21
Two of the three or four most sophisticated improvising traditions on earth were built by cultures with no contact whatsoever, which is a fairly strong argument that improvisation within constraints is not a stylistic quirk.
263:34
It is one of the two basic ways human beings make music and Europe's decision to write everything down was the deviation rather than the norm. The commercial history of early jazz contains a detail that should be stated plainly rather than skipped. The first jazz recording to be released and sold in significant quantity in 1917 was made by a group of white musicians from New Orleans and it was a substantial hit.
263:58
The black musicians who had developed the music, several of them considerably better, were recorded later, less, and on worse terms.
264:06
Similarly, the recording industry did not seriously pursue black audiences until 1920, when a recording by the singer Mamie Smith sold in numbers that startled the companies and demonstrated that a large market existed. after which the labels created separate catalogues aimed at black buyers and sold them enthusiastically while keeping them commercially segregated, that pattern, in which a music is created by one community and monetised primarily by another, repeats with such regularity across the following century that it stops being a coincidence and becomes a structural feature of the industry.
264:41
It is not a moral aside dropped into a music history. It is one of the main mechanisms by which the 20th century music business actually worked.
264:49
The individual who transformed the music most is Louis Armstrong, and his contribution is specific.
264:55
Early New Orleans style was collective, with several instruments improvising simultaneously around a melody, and the texture is dense and communal.
265:04
Armstrong, through a series of small group recordings in the later 1920s, established the extended solo as the centre of the performance. one player, out front, constructing a musical argument over the band with a rhythmic freedom against the beat that nobody had recorded before. He also, on one famous occasion, sang wordless syllables in place of a lyric, and whether or not the story about dropping the lyric sheet is true, the practice became standard immediately. Every soloist in every genre since, including every guitarist who has ever stepped forward while the rest of the band held a groove, is working in a format he built.
265:40
He was also a genuinely charming public figure for 50 years afterwards, which caused some critics to underrate him on the reasoning that anyone that popular could not be that important. They were wrong, and the recordings settle it. Which brings us to the accidental promotional campaign that made all of this fashionable, and it was run by the government. National prohibition of alcohol in the United States ran from 1920 to 1933 and the intention was to reduce drinking. What it produced instead was an enormous unregulated network of illegal drinking establishments, operating outside the law, run by people who were comfortable operating outside the law, and requiring entertainment that suited the atmosphere.
266:19
Those venues needed music, and jazz was perfect for the purpose. Danceable, exciting, associated with the new and the disreputable, and playable by small groups who could be paid in cash.
266:32
Because the venues were illegal anyway, they were free of the licensing rules and respectability requirements that governed legitimate establishments, which meant they were also, in a number of cities, among the few places where black and white audiences mixed at all. So a law intended to promote sobriety and public order created a nationwide circuit of glamorous forbidden night spots whose defining sound was jazz and attached to that music an aura of danger and modernity that no advertising budget could have purchased. The decade acquired a nickname referencing the music, teenagers of the period regarded it as the sound of their own rebellion, and their parents complained that it was destroying the morals of the young.
267:11
Our counter of official restrictions reaches its record for a single measure here, since prohibition was not aimed at music at all and nevertheless did more for a genre's cultural position than any promoter in history.
267:25
Musicians in this era were routinely subject to police attention, venue raids and local ordinances, and the genre itself was denounced from pulpits, in newspapers and in the resolutions of civic organizations as a corrupting influence, with the usual specific warnings about its effect on young women. The vocabulary of that panic is worth remembering, because it gets recycled almost word for word every twenty years for the rest of this story.
267:50
The dancing was the other half of the panic, and 1923 is the year it went national. The pianist and composer James P. Johnson, one of the major figures of the Harlem Stride piano tradition, wrote a number for a Broadway show that year built on a bouncing, off-balance, rhythmic figure, and the dance that attached itself to it swept the country. The Charleston was fast, energetic and involved kicking, swinging arms and a great deal of independent movement, and above all it did not require the couple to stay locked in the formal closed position that ballroom dancing had used for a century.
268:23
That is the actual scandal underneath the moralising. Partners could separate, improvise and dance as individuals in the same space, which is the arrangement that has governed social dancing ever since and which was, at the time, regarded by a significant portion of respectable society as evidence of civilisational collapse. There were attempts to ban it in various venues, and a widely reported building collapse in Boston was blamed on dancers, which was almost certainly a construction failure looking for a fashionable culprit.
268:53
Meanwhile, the machines kept arriving, and the next one attached music to pictures. Sound film had been technically possible for some time, and the obstacle was synchronisation and amplification rather than recording.
269:05
The breakthrough presentation came in 1927 with a feature that was mostly silent, with several sequences of synchronized singing and a small amount of spoken dialogue, and it was a sensation.
269:17
Within about three years, silent film was commercially finished worldwide. It is worth noting what that first sound feature actually was, a musical about a singer in which the sound sequences are songs.
269:30
The very first thing the film industry did with audio was music, not dialogue. It is also a film containing blackface performance, a convention of American entertainment at the time that is indefensible and is part of the historical record, and mentioning that is not a diversion from the music history, but a necessary part of describing what was on the screen. The consequences elsewhere were even larger.
269:54
In 1931, the first Indian sound feature was released, and it contained songs. The response was overwhelming, and within a very short period essentially every Indian commercial film was being made with musical numbers as a structural component rather than an optional feature.
270:10
That decision produced the largest film industry on earth, and a musical system in which songs are recorded first by specialist singers and then performed on screen by actors, creating an entire profession of playback singers whose voices are known to hundreds of millions of people while their faces are not. Several of them recorded thousands of songs across careers spanning decades, and they are, by simple arithmetic of audience size, among the most heard human beings who have ever lived. Hollywood, meanwhile, industrialised the film song.
270:40
In 1939, a fantasy musical about a girl carried away from a farm produced a ballad that was very nearly removed from the finished picture, on the grounds that it slowed the opening down and that the setting was too plain for a big number. Studio executives cut it at least once. It survived because the people who made the film argued for it went on to win the award for best song and became the piece most associated with its performer for the remaining 30 years of her career. Every executive decision in the music business should be evaluated against the fact that somebody, in a meeting, with a straight face, cut that song for being boring.
271:16
The following year, music acquired the one thing it had somehow avoided for 40,000 years, which is a scoreboard.
271:24
In 1940, the trade magazine Billboard began publishing a national chart of best-selling records, compiled from sales reports rather than from opinion, and the first number one was a ballad recorded by the Tommy Dorsey Orchestra with a young vocalist named Frank Sinatra.
271:40
Various popularity lists had existed before, based on sheet music sales or radio plugs, but a regularly published national ranking of what the country was actually buying was a new instrument, and it changed the psychology of the entire business. Because a chart converts music into a competition with a table, and tables have properties, they create positions worth fighting over, they produce narratives since a record that rises is a story, and a record that falls is a different story. They generate a class of professionals whose job is to influence the numbers, which within a decade produced the practice of paying radio stations for airplay and eventually a series of scandals about it.
272:18
And they give the audience a way to participate in the contest, by buying, which is precisely what everyone in the industry hoped they would notice.
272:26
Music had spent its entire history being judged by priests, philosophers, patrons, censors and critics.
272:34
From 1940 it was also judged by a weekly league table, and within a few decades the table would be the judgement that most people actually cared about.
272:43
Every argument about whether a chart position means anything artistically is downstream of this moment, and none of those arguments has ever affected anybody's behaviour in the slightest.
272:53
A quieter development was running alongside all of this, and it would take another 40 years to detonate. In 1920, a Russian physicist named Lev Turman demonstrated an instrument that produced sound from two radio frequency oscillators, controlled by the proximity of the player's hands to two metal antennas.
273:11
One hand governs pitch by moving toward or away from a vertical rod. The other governs volume near a loop. The performer touches nothing at all, and stands in front of the instrument making careful gestures in empty air, which looks like conducting an orchestra of ghosts and sounds like a voice from a considerable distance.
273:29
It is the first electronic instrument to achieve real fame, and its significance is conceptual rather than commercial.
273:36
Every instrument in this entire history until this point has produced sound by physically disturbing air. A string vibrating, a column of air resonating, a membrane struck, a body of metal ringing.
273:48
The theremin produces sound by generating an electrical signal that is then converted into vibration at the very end of the chain in a loudspeaker. The performer is manipulating electricity and the audio is a by-product.
274:01
Once that principle exists the question of what a musical instrument can be is permanently open and the answer becomes whatever a circuit can be made to do.
274:10
Within two decades there were electronic organs in churches and dance halls, within four there were synthesizers. Everything electronic in the second half of this story descends from a physicist waving his hands at a box, and the inventor himself had a career of remarkable strangeness, including years in the United States promoting his instrument and a subsequent return to the Soviet Union where he worked on rather different applications of electronics. which leaves the era that dominated the years between these two machines and the explosion at the end of this story, and it is the moment when the profession briefly resembled a factory.
274:45
The big band and swing era, running roughly from the mid-1930s to the mid-1940s, was built on ensembles of 15 or so players organised into sections, saxophones, trumpets, trombones and rhythm.
274:58
That size requires written arrangements, because 15 people cannot collectively improvise a texture without turning it into noise.
275:06
So the arranger became the central creative figure, writing the section parts, designing the interplay between brass and reeds, and leaving specified spaces for soloists. The result is a hybrid that had never existed before – music that is largely composed and rehearsed, with improvisation inserted at controlled points, played by a group operating on a schedule. And the schedule was punishing. Bands travelled continuously by bus and train, played long engagements at ballrooms and hotels, made radio broadcasts from those venues that carried them nationally and recorded between dates.
275:41
Players were employees with contracts, notice periods and fines for lateness. The leader was a band leader in the managerial sense as well as the musical one. This is where the working musician's life stops resembling the previous chapter and starts resembling a job in transportation.
275:57
A member of a successful band in 1938 was a salaried specialist executing written parts to a professional standard, on a route, on a timetable, in a uniform, with limited creative input and a supervisor. It is, allowing for the bus, structurally similar to the arrangement Haydn had at the Esterhazy Court, which is not a comparison anybody in either era would have enjoyed. and it was, at its peak, the most popular music on the planet by an enormous margin. When Benny Goodman's band played a ballroom in Los Angeles in 1935 after a discouraging tour, the crowd reaction was so intense that the date is conventionally treated as the start of the swing era, and the reason the young audience already knew the material was that a late-night radio broadcast had been reaching the West Coast at a convenient hour for months.
276:46
Radio and Records had done the work in advance, which is the first documented case of an audience arriving already knowing the songs, and it terrified everybody who had built their business on the assumption that music had to be discovered in person.
276:59
The era also produced the most sophisticated large ensemble music of the century in the hands of Duke Ellington, who is best understood not as a bandleader with a repertoire, but as a composer who happened to work with a permanent orchestra of extraordinary individual voices, writing specifically for the particular sound of particular players rather than for instruments in general, His collaborator Billy Strayhorn joined in 1939 and wrote, among a great deal else, a piece whose title came from directions Ellington had given him for getting to his apartment on the New York subway.
277:32
That piece became the band's signature theme, which is where our ranking arrives at position number two and it goes to that piece and to the swing era it stands for. The reasoning is not that it is the most complex or most beautiful music in this history, and I would take an argument on either count. It is on the list because of what it represents at the level of the species. For the first time in 40,000 years, the same music was being danced to simultaneously on every inhabited continent, in the same year, in roughly the same style, by people who had never met and who mostly could not have communicated in a shared language.
278:06
Consider what that required. A recording technology that captured a performance in one room. A manufacturing system that pressed it by the million. A distribution network that shipped it worldwide. A broadcast system that transmitted it for free into homes, factories, bars and barracks. And a global conflict that then sent millions of young people around the planet carrying their records and their radios with them. Every element assembled in this chapter had to exist at once, and when they did, the result was the first genuinely planetary musical culture in the history of human beings.
278:39
Everything since then, including everything in the next chapter, is a variation on that condition. This is the moment music became global in fact rather than in aspiration and it is the achievement I would defend hardest on this list. So the position at the midpoint of the 20th century is as follows. Sound has been separated from the people producing it and turned into an object that can be manufactured, shipped and sold.
279:04
That object has a standard length dictated by hardware. Music is broadcast continuously for free and is therefore ambient in ordinary life for the first time in history. It has a national sales chart, which makes it a competition. It has an industry of labels, publishers, promoters and radio programmers, plus lawyers, plus a union that has already fought the machines and lost. It is embedded in films, which are themselves a global industry. It has produced the first electronic instruments, and it has already generated at least three full cycles of moral panic, each following the identical script.
279:40
Two more pieces arrived at the end of the 1940s, quietly, and both matter enormously.
279:47
In 1948, a long playing record was introduced that could hold over 20 minutes per side, which for the first time in 50 years gave music a container longer than three minutes.
279:57
The following year a rival company introduced a small disc playing at 45 revolutions per minute, cheap and durable and perfect for one song. The industry spent several years in a format war and eventually settled on doing both. The small disc for individual songs, the large one for collections, That compromise created the two formats that structured popular music for the next half century and it means the album, as an artistic unit rather than a random bundle, exists because of a marketing dispute between two record companies about disc diameter.
280:29
Nobody involved was thinking about art. They were thinking about which shelf the customer would buy from. Everything is now in place, the audience, the technology, the money, the charts, the formats, the global reach, and a generation of young people with disposable income who have grown up with recorded music as a normal part of daily life and are looking for something that belongs to them rather than to their parents.
280:53
All that remains is for somebody to take a guitar, attach it to an electrical amplifier and turn it up past the point the manufacturer intended. The amplifier arrived before anybody had a clear idea what to do with it. Electric guitars had existed since the 1930s, developed to solve a boring practical problem. A guitarist in a dance band was inaudible next to a brass section and hanging a magnetic pickup under the strings and running the signal through a valve amplifier made the instrument loud enough to compete. That was the entire ambition. Nobody was designing a cultural revolution, they were designing a way to hear the rhythm player.
281:29
By 1950, a Californian radio repairman named Leo Fender was manufacturing a solid-bodied electric guitar on a production line, built from flat slabs with bolted necks, designed to be assembled and repaired like an appliance rather than carved like a violin.
281:45
Within a few years he had added a refined version with three pickups and a contoured body, and a competitor had responded with an instrument bearing the name of the guitarist Le Paul. Those designs are still in production today, essentially unchanged, which puts them in a very small category of industrial products that got it right immediately and stopped.
282:04
The important accident happened somewhere in the amplifier. Push a valve amplifier past its intended operating level and the signal distorts, adding harmonics, compressing the attack and sustaining the note long after a plucked string would ordinarily have died away.
282:18
In engineering terms, this is a fault. In musical terms, it's a new instrument, capable of singing rather than plucking, and it was discovered by musicians noticing that broken equipment sounded better than working equipment. There is a well-known story about a speaker cone damaged in transit before a session in 1951.
282:36
producing a buzzing tone the band decided to keep, and whether or not the details are exact, that is precisely how it happened everywhere. The sound of the second half of the 20th century was invented by people refusing to have their gear repaired.
282:51
Which brings us to the middle of the 1950s, when the whole apparatus, assembled at the end of the previous chapter, met a generation of teenagers with money.
283:00
In 1954, a former country and western band leader named Bill Haley recorded a brisk number about dancing around the clock, and it did modestly.
283:10
The following year it was placed over the opening titles of a film about disorder in an inner-city school, and the effect was extraordinary. The song became a number one hit, and in cinemas around the world young audiences responded to it in ways that made the newspapers. The record did not change, its context did. That is the first documented case of a film synchronisation turning an ordinary release into a global phenomenon. and it established a business relationship that has been generating hits ever since.
283:38
In the same period, a performer from Georgia named Little Richard recorded a song built on a nonsense syllable opening, a hammering piano, and a vocal delivered at an intensity that had not previously been captured on a commercial record. Chuck Berry, working out of St. Louis, began releasing records whose guitar introductions and rhythmic double stops effectively defined the vocabulary of rock guitar for the following 50 years, and whose lyrics did something equally significant. They were about cars, school, records and being young, addressed directly to an audience of teenagers who had never been written to as a market before.
284:13
and in 1956 a truck driver from Mississippi, with an unusual voice and an unusual stage manner, turned all of it into a national emergency. Elvis Presley's contribution is frequently misdescribed, so let me be precise. He did not invent the music. He was a synthesist of extraordinary instinct, combining the vocal phrasing and rhythmic feel of black rhythm and blues, the emotional delivery of gospel and the song structures of country, and presenting the result with a physical performance style that turned a radio genre into a visual one.
284:44
He was also, and this is the part that mattered commercially, a young white man performing music that white radio and white parents had largely refused to buy when black artists made it. The panic was immediate and total. Radio stations announced bans and staged public destructions of records. Civic groups organised against the music. Clergy denounced it from pulpits. Local authorities passed ordinances restricting performances and dances. And when Presley appeared on the most popular television programme in the United States in early 1957, the cameras were instructed to frame him from the waist upward so that the national audience could hear him without seeing what he was doing below the belt.
285:22
which is one of the most effective pieces of accidental advertising ever arranged by a censor. Our restrictions counter, which has been running since a philosopher in Athens proposed a list of approved instruments, effectively breaks here. The entries stop being individual decrees and become a continuous background condition, and the pattern is identical to every previous one. The objection is that the music is too physical, too foreign, too popular with the young, and likely to erode the character of the nation.
285:50
Only the technology of the complaint has changed since it now travels by television. There is a harder fact under all of this that has to be stated, because it is the continuation of the pattern identified in the previous chapter. The commercial structure of the era systematically routed the money away from the people who created the music. Songs written and recorded by black artists were routinely re-recorded by white performers in cleaner arrangements, and those versions frequently outsold the originals by a wide margin because they received radio play the originals could not obtain.
286:22
Songwriting credits were acquired by managers, publishers and disc jockeys as a condition of doing business. Contracts assigned recording royalties at rates that make modern streaming look generous.
286:34
Several of the founding figures of rock and roll spent their later decades fighting for payments on records that had sold in the millions. Elvis himself, worth noting, was consistently and publicly clear about where the music came from and who had taught it to him, which is more than can be said for the industry that sold him.
286:51
The 1960s took this raw material and did two things with it, made it global and moved it into the studio. The global part has a date.
287:00
On 25 June 1967, an international broadcast was assembled using the first generation of communication satellites, linking contributions from more than a dozen countries into a single live program transmitted simultaneously to a worldwide audience, estimated at several hundred million.
287:19
The British contribution was The Beatles, performing a new song written for the occasion, sitting in a studio surrounded by an orchestra and a crowd of friends, with a chorus consisting of one sentence repeated until it lodged permanently in the listener's brain. That is the first time in history that a piece of music was performed once, live, and heard at that same instant on every continent, Recording had made music global by shipping objects, satellite made it global by removing the shipping, and the fact that the first thing humanity chose to send around the planet on this new infrastructure was a pop group singing about love is either an indictment of our species or this single most reassuring fact in this entire history, and I lean firmly toward the second.
288:02
The studio revolution running underneath it was equally consequential and much less visible. Until the 1950s, recording was documentation. You put an ensemble in a room, captured a performance, and released it. And the goal of the engineer was to represent accurately what happened in front of the microphones.
288:20
Multitrack recording destroyed that arrangement. The guitarist Les Paul, who was also a serious inventor, pioneered the technique of recording separate parts at separate times onto separate tracks, then combining them, which meant a performance no longer had to happen all at once, in one room, by all the people involved.
288:39
That single change turns a record from a photograph into a construction. Parts can be recorded individually and repaired. A singer can double their own voice. An instrument can be added a week later by somebody who was not present. The final object is assembled rather than captured and it represents an event that never actually occurred.
288:59
which promotes a new figure to the centre of the process. The producer stops being a supervisor who books the room and watches the clock and becomes a co-author, making decisions about arrangement, texture, structure and sound that are at least as consequential as the writing. Phil Spector's technique in the early 1960s, built on packing a studio with duplicated instruments playing the same parts and drenching the result in reverberation, produced a sound so dense that individual instruments become unidentifiable and it was designed specifically to be overwhelming on cheap radios and small speakers.
289:32
The records are credited to the vocal groups. Everyone in the business understood whose records they were.
289:38
By the second half of the decade, the studio had become an instrument in its own right. Tape was cut up and reassembled, played backwards, slowed down and sped up to change both pitch and character. Recordings were made in impractical layers by musicians who never met each other. Groups stopped touring specifically because the music they were now making could not be performed by four people on a stage, which had never been a consideration in any previous era of this story, and the album, that accidental by-product of a format dispute, became the unit of ambition.
290:10
If a record can hold 20 minutes aside and the studio can build anything, then a release stops being a bundle of singles and becomes a designed object with a sequence, an arc, a cover and a concept.
290:22
The 1970s took that idea and pushed it to its logical extreme. Led Zeppelin built records around long-form structures, extreme dynamic contrast and a rhythm section treated as a lead element and refused for most of their career to release singles in their home market, on the reasoning that the album was the work and cutting a piece out of it was a category error. Pink Floyd went further, producing in 1973 a continuous suite about pressure, money, ageing and mental strain, sequenced without gaps, with heartbeat effects and recorded interview fragments running through it, which then remained on the American album chart for something in the region of 15 years.
291:00
That is not a hit record. That is a piece of standard household equipment. Queen, meanwhile, demonstrated in 1975 that the rules could simply be ignored if the result was good enough.
291:12
They released as a single, a six-minute composition with no chorus in the conventional sense, consisting of a ballad section, an extended multi-tracked choral passage assembled from many dozens of overdubs, a heavy rock section and a quiet ending, and radio programmers were told firmly that it would not be edited. It went to number one and stayed there for nine weeks. Every piece of received wisdom about song length, structure and radio suitability was disproved by one record, and the industry response was to continue believing all of it anyway.
291:45
The most efficient operation of the decade was Swedish, and it deserves more respect than it usually gets. ABBA built pop records of formidable craft, unusual chord movements handled so smoothly that nobody notices them, vocal arrangements engineered for maximum lift, and production of a clarity that still sounds contemporary.
292:04
They were also the first act from a country outside the traditional English-speaking industry to achieve genuine global dominance, and they did it through a television competition that most of Europe treats as a joke. Their stage clothing has an explanation that is more entertaining than the outfits. Swedish tax rules of the period allowed costume expenses to be deducted only if the garments could not reasonably be worn as ordinary clothing, which created a direct financial incentive to appear in public dressed in things no human being would put on voluntarily.
292:34
The band members have discussed this themselves with considerable good humour, so a substantial portion of 1970s pop iconography exists because of an accounting regulation, which is the single most Scandinavian sentence in this entire history.
292:48
While all of this was happening, a completely separate line was being built out of circuits and it would eventually swallow everything.
292:56
The synthesizer became practical in 1964 when Robert Moog began producing modular systems using voltage control, which meant that pitch, loudness and tone color could all be governed by electrical signals and therefore by other parts of the machine.
293:11
Early systems were enormous cabinets connected by patch cables, they were monophonic and they went out of tune if the room temperature changed, which they always did. The instrument reached the public through, of all things, a 1968 album of Bach performed entirely on one, assembled note by note by Wendy Carlos over hundreds of hours because the machine could only play one line at a time. It was a substantial commercial success, and it did the essential work of demonstrating that the synthesizer was a musical instrument rather than a laboratory device.
293:43
The oldest music in this chapter was used to sell the newest technology in it, which is a pattern worth remembering.
293:49
By the mid-1970s, a group from Dusseldorf had taken the logic all the way. Kraftwerk built music from sequenced electronic patterns, mechanical rhythms and processed voices, presented themselves on stage as impassive figures behind machines, and in 1974 released a 22-minute piece about driving on the motorway, structured to feel like motion at a constant speed.
294:12
There is very little humanity in the presentation, deliberately, and the influence is difficult to overstate.
294:18
Essentially all electronic dance music, a great deal of hip-hop production, and most of what pop records have sounded like since 1980, descends from those recordings. Then, in 1980, a Japanese manufacturer released a drum machine called the TR808, and it failed.
294:36
The problem was that it did not sound like drums. It produced sounds generated by analog circuitry, and while the technology was cheap and the machine was easy to program, the results were obviously artificial next to the digital samplers arriving at the same moment, which used recordings of real kits.
294:53
Producers who wanted drums bought the samplers. The 808 was discontinued after about three years and roughly 12,000 units, and the remaining stock ended up in second-hand shops at low prices.
295:05
where it was bought by young musicians in the Bronx in Detroit and in Chicago who had no interest whatsoever in imitating a drum kit and who noticed something the manufacturer had not.
295:15
The machine's bass drum, with the decay control turned up, produces a low tone that sustains for several seconds and physically moves the air in a room. It is not a percussion sound. It is a sub-bass instrument that happens to be triggered rhythmically. That specific sound became the foundation of hip-hop production and of house and techno, and it remains a defining element of popular music four decades later.
295:39
A commercial failure withdrawn from sale for being unrealistic is now one of the most influential instruments ever manufactured, which should be printed and framed in every product development department on earth.
295:51
The other decisive development of the period involved no new instruments at all, only two record players and a person who understood what a crowd wants.
296:00
On 11 August 1973, a party was held in the recreation room of an apartment building on Sedgwick Avenue in the Bronx, organized by a young woman named Cindy Campbell to raise money for school clothes, with her brother Clive, known as Cool Herc, handling the music. He had noticed that dancers responded most intensely to the break, the short section of a funk record where the melody drops away and the drums play alone, and that this section typically lasts a few seconds before the song continues. So he bought two copies of the same record, put them on two turntables, played the break on one, and while it played, spun the second copy back to the start of the same break, ready to be dropped in the moment the first ended.
296:41
Then he repeated the process, alternating between the two decks, extending a five-second passage into as long as he wanted. That is the invention of hip-hop, and it is worth appreciating what it actually is at a technical level. It is a live performance in which the instrument is the recorded music itself the technique is manipulation of playback and the composition is a rearrangement of existing material into a form its makers never intended musicians had been building new works from existing ones since the medieval composers who constructed masses on borrowed tunes This was the first time the raw material was other people's recordings, handled physically, in real time, in front of a dancing audience.
297:22
The techniques developed rapidly from there, with Grandmaster Flash working out precise cueing methods and the manipulation of the record under the needle as a rhythmic device, and with the party host's spoken encouragement over the breaks evolving into rapping as a distinct discipline, The genre reached radio in 1979 with a single by a group assembled specifically for the purpose by a small New Jersey label, which was regarded with a certain scepticism by the people who had built the music in the parks and clubs and which nonetheless sold enormously and opened the door.
297:54
By 1986 the wall came down entirely when Run DMC recorded a version of an existing rock song together with the original artists and the video showed the two groups literally breaking through a partition between adjacent studios. It revived one career, established another at national scale, and demonstrated that the audience for these two supposedly incompatible genres was in fact the same audience, which the industry had somehow failed to notice.
298:21
Then came the machine that made the way an artist looked into a commercial requirement. MTV launched in August 1981, playing music videos around the clock, and the first clip broadcast was, with a self-awareness nobody appreciated at the time, a song about a new technology destroying an older one.
298:38
The channel struggled initially, partly because it had very little material. Promotional films existed, but few American acts had bothered making them, whereas British acts had been producing them routinely for television shows at home. The result was that a channel based in New York spent its first years playing a great deal of British pop, which is the sole reason for the second British invasion of the American charts in the early 1980s. It was a supply chain accident. The consequences were structural. Once a video was the primary way a record was promoted, being visually compelling became part of the job specification, and acts who were superb in a studio and unremarkable on camera found the terms of the profession had changed under them without notice.
299:20
The channel also faced sustained criticism in its early years over the near absence of black artists from its playlist, a policy it defended with arguments about format that satisfied nobody. That resistance collapsed in 1982 against a single record.
299:35
Michael Jackson's thriller combined pop, rock, funk and disco with production of exceptional precision, and its videos were made as short films with narrative, choreography and budgets that had no precedent. The album sold somewhere in the region of 70 million copies worldwide, a figure that is unlikely ever to be surpassed, and not because nobody will make a record that good. it is because the conditions that made a 70 million selling album possible, a world in which everybody buys physical copies of the same small number of releases, no longer exist and will not return.
300:08
The peak of the album as a commercial object has therefore already happened, and it happened in 1982. Three years later, the same infrastructure demonstrated something else it could do.
300:19
In July 1985, two simultaneous concerts in London and Philadelphia were broadcast to a global television audience for famine relief in Ethiopia, with satellite links between the venues and a telephone donation system running throughout.
300:33
The audience was estimated at well over a billion people, and the money raised ran into the hundreds of millions. Live Aid has been criticised extensively and with justification regarding both the operational effects of the aid and the composition of the line-up, and those criticisms are worth taking seriously.
300:50
What is not in dispute is the demonstration. Music, broadcast globally, could move enormous quantities of money in a single afternoon, and everybody in the industry and politics and in the charity sector took note.
301:03
The end of the decade brought the reaction that always follows a period of polish.
301:07
In 1991, a trio from Washington State released a second album on a major label, whose lead single combined an enormous guitar hook with a vocal that sounded like it was being sung by someone who had not slept, and within months it had displaced the prevailing style of highly produced, heavily styled rock from the charts and from the channel. Musicians who had spent their careers on stage clothing and hair discovered that the market had abruptly decided in favour of people who looked as though they had been woken up in a garage. Simultaneously, and rather less discussed in English language music history, Europe was doing the opposite with tremendous commercial success, producing dance pop built on sequence synthesizers, four on the floor drum patterns and enormous choruses, along with vocal groups assembled and directed by producers.
301:53
That approach, refined particularly in Sweden through the following decade, went on to supply an extraordinary share of global pop hits, meaning that the two dominant strands of 1990s popular music were an American reaction against studio polish and a European perfection of it, running at the same time, largely ignoring each other.
302:14
The next machine came from the oil industry, which is not a sentence anybody expected to write about singing. In the 1990s, an engineer named Andy Hildebrand was working on the mathematical analysis of seismic data, using signal processing techniques to interpret sound waves bounce through rock in the search for oil deposits.
302:33
Somebody at a dinner remarked that what the industry really needed was software that could put a singer in tune, and he realised that the same class of mathematics could identify the pitch of a voice and shift it to the nearest correct note. The software was released in 1997 as a corrective tool, intended to be used gently so that a slightly imperfect take could be salvaged rather than re-recorded. The setting controlling how quickly a note is dragged to its target was adjustable and the fastest setting produced an obviously artificial effect in which the voice leaps between pitches instantly with no natural glide.
303:06
That setting was supposed to be a technical extreme that nobody would use. In 1998 the producers of Cher's Single Believe used it deliberately as an effect across the entire vocal and then told interviewers it had been achieved with a vocoder apparently to protect the trick.
303:22
The record was a worldwide hit and within a few years the effect had gone from a secret to a cliché to a standard element of the pop and hip-hop vocabulary. The deeper consequence is the one that matters. From this point, singing in tune stopped being a threshold requirement for a recording career. Pitch correction became routine on essentially every commercial vocal, applied invisibly at gentle settings on records by singers who do not need it, because it is cheaper than another take, and because the ear of the modern listener trained on corrected voices for 25 years now hears an entirely natural performance as slightly off.
303:57
The technology did not merely assist the singers, it changed what the audience believes a voice sounds like, and then the whole thing came apart and it took about five years.
304:07
In June 1999, a 19-year-old student named Sean Fanning released a program called Napster, which allowed users to search each other's computers for music files and download them directly. The compressed audio format that made this practical had been developed in Germany for entirely legitimate purposes, and it reduced a song to a size that could move across the internet connections of the time in a few minutes. The uptake was immediate and enormous, particularly on university campuses with fast connections and large populations of exactly the demographic that buys music.
304:39
At its peak, the service had tens of millions of users and the industry responded with litigation, which succeeded completely. Napster was shut down in 2001.
304:50
The problem was that the demonstration had already been given. Within months there were a dozen decentralised replacements with no company to sue, and the practice of obtaining music without paying for it had become normal behaviour for an entire generation. Global recorded music revenue peaked around $19.99 and then fell for well over a decade, losing roughly half its value.
305:12
the industry's response for several critical years was to sue its own customers, including a number of teenagers and at least one grandmother, which is a public relations strategy of remarkable ambition. The correction, when it arrived, came from outside the business entirely. In 2003, Apple opened the iTunes store, selling individual tracks at a fixed low price with digital rights restrictions the labels could accept, and it worked because it was more convenient than piracy rather than more moral than it.
305:41
but look closely at what that store actually did to the product. It sold songs individually, which meant that the practice of buying 12 tracks in order to obtain the two you wanted ended immediately and permanently, and the economic foundation of the album collapsed with it. The album survived as an artistic form for people who cared about it. As the standard unit of purchase, the thing the entire industry had been built around since the Format War of 1948, it was finished within about five years. The final structural collapse came from the other direction.
306:14
Home recording equipment had been improving and cheapening continuously, and by the middle of the 2000s a teenager with a computer and inexpensive software could produce a record of adequate commercial quality in a bedroom. In 2007, a 17-year-old named DeAndre Way, working under the name Soldier Boy, recorded a track at home using consumer software, promoted it himself online through the video platforms and social networks of the moment, attached a dance to it, and took it to number one on the American chart. Every gatekeeper in the chain was bypassed.
306:45
No studio, no session musicians, no engineer, no promotional department, no radio relationship, no video budget.
306:54
The most expensive and elaborate industrial apparatus in the history of this art form had just been beaten by a kid with a laptop, and the industry, watching this, understood correctly that something structural had ended. Which brings us to the date this video has been promising since the first minute.
307:10
On the 7th of October 2008, a Swedish company launched a music streaming service to the public called Spotify. The model was simple. Instead of buying recordings, you pay a monthly subscription or listen with advertising, and in exchange you get access to essentially all recorded music immediately without owning any of it.
307:31
That is the death of music as this history has understood it, and I want to be precise about what died, because it is not the art form and it is not the industry, both of which are doing fine. What ended was ownership. For roughly 120 years, from the first mass-produced discs to that autumn, a piece of music was something a person could possess. You bought it, you owned that copy, it sat on a shelf, it was yours, it could be lent, inherited, displayed and lost.
307:59
Before that, going back to the 16th century, you owned the printed sheet. The relationship between a listener and a piece of music included a physical object and an act of choosing to acquire it.
308:10
After October 2008, the dominant relationship is rental. You have access to 40,000 years of music for a monthly fee, and if you stop paying, you have nothing, because you never had anything. The catalogue is not in your house. It is on a server in a building you will never visit, and what is available on it can change without your involvement, since recordings are added and removed according to agreements you are not party to. So the artifact this chapter ends with is not the amplifier. It is a rack of servers in a data center with good air conditioning, and it is the current physical location of the entire recorded output of the human species.
308:45
Now let us close the counters.
308:48
Official restrictions on music. The counter has been running since a philosopher proposed regulating which scale citizens were permitted to hear, and it collected entries from church councils, imperial bureau, colonial censors, town authorities, national governments, radio stations and television producers. Somewhere around 1957 it stopped being a countable number and became a permanent background condition, and I am declaring it uncountable rather than pretending to a total.
309:16
What can be stated is the result. Every single one of those restrictions failed. Not most of them. All of them. The band instrument became standard. The forbidden scale became a textbook exercise. The prohibited dance became a wedding staple. The music that was going to destroy the young was played at their children's school concerts. There is no case in this history of a prohibition that permanently removed a form of music from human use, which is a record of failure so consistent that it is starting to look like a law of nature. Composers who died with empty pockets.
309:48
The counter stands at two, and both entries deserve a final word.
309:52
One was our imaginary founder of the profession, invented in the first chapter to make a point about job security. The other was a Venetian who wrote the most recognisable instrumental music in the repertoire and was buried in Vienna with a minimal funeral.
310:06
The counter is low because I was careful and because the single most famous poverty story in classical music turned out to be a myth about an ordinary bureaucratic funeral. But the counter measures the wrong thing and I knew that when I started it. The real number is not composers who died poor. It is working musicians who never made a living at all in every era covered in this video and that figure is somewhere in the tens of millions and has never once been counted by anybody. Which brings us to position number one on the official ranking of the greatest works in the history of human music.
310:39
It is not a symphony, it is not an opera, an album, a hymn or a single. Position number one goes to the first melody played on that vulture bone flute in a cave in southern Germany, roughly 40,000 years ago, by a person whose name, sex, language and appearance are entirely unknown, and which nobody alive has heard or will ever hear. Here is the reasoning, and I have been building toward it for the entire video. Every other entry on this list and every piece of music mentioned in it exists because that happened first. The temple payroll, the ruled line, the printing press, the ticket, the concert hall, the microphone, the turntable and the server are all just increasingly elaborate solutions to a problem that person solved with a bird bone and several hours of patient work.
311:23
How to make a sound that means something to another human being.
311:27
It also has one quality nothing else on the list can claim. It cannot be bought, streamed, licensed, sampled, remastered, ruined by a remix, argued about in comments or removed from a catalogue in a rights dispute. It is the only music in this entire history that is completely safe. And here is the twist I promised at the start about who brought music back to life after 2008.
311:51
not a musician, not a label, a producer, a platform or a billionaire. Music was resurrected by the amateur, which is to say by the exact person the March King warned us we were losing when he complained about canned music 120 years ago. He predicted that recording would kill off ordinary people making music at home, and for most of the 20th century he was right.
312:13
Then the technology that ended the industry's business model handed every teenager on the planet a recording studio for the price of a used laptop. There are now more people writing, recording, arranging and releasing music than at any point in human history by an enormous margin.
312:29
Most of them will never earn a living from it. Most of them are doing it anyway, at night, after work, in bedrooms, which is precisely how the person with the bone flute was operating. since as established there was no such thing as a professional musician at the time, and everybody made music because everybody made music. The most unexpected person on the planet who resurrected music, in other words, is the person who is not a professional, possibly, statistically, you.
312:55
So here is the closing advice for anybody watching who makes music or is thinking about starting. In 40,000 years this art form has survived the end of the Ice Age, the collapse of the Bronze Age world, philosophers who wanted it regulated, councils that wanted it simplified, a plague that emptied the choirs, censors in every century, two world wars, the arrival of a machine that made performers optional, and a file-sharing program that removed half the industry's money in five years.
313:24
Not one of those things stopped it. Every single time, music did the same thing it had done before. It changed its medium and carried on. Bone, clay, string, parchment, paper, wax, vinyl, tape, plastic, server. The container is always temporary. The behaviour underneath it has not altered since somebody in a cold cave worked out where to put the holes. Make the thing. The medium will change again, probably sooner than anybody expects, and it will not matter in the slightest. That is the entire history of music, from a bird bone to a data centre in one video, with only the 99% left out.
314:00
Sleep well, everyone, and sweet dreams.